
Book k^ioip . 

CopyiiglitN? 



COFflRICter DEPOSIT. 



EARLY QUAKER EDUCATION 
IN PENNSYLVANIA 



By 
THOMAS WOODY, Ph.D. 

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION 
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSTLVANIA 



TEACHERS COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
CONTRIBUTIONS TO EDUCATION, No. 105 



Published by 

^eacljerg College, Columbia 'Bmtitviitp 

NEW YORK CITY 

1920 



l-'^Y'h 



Copyright, 1920, by Thomas Wood-k 



'C!.Ao71996 



JUL !>:> I-Vu 




<i 



k 



A^O 



PREFACE 

The purpose of this monograph is to present to the students 
of education, especially to those interested in the historical 
phase of it, some materials relating to education among the 
Quakers in Pennsylvania previous to 1800. Since the greater 
part of the source material on the subject is almost inaccessi- 
ble, it has been thought desirable to incorporate in this work 
many reports on schools, such as may be convenient refer- 
ences for others who are interested in the early educational 
history of Pennsylvania. 

The manuscript records which furnish the most direct 
light on this study are found in various depositories in 
southeastern Pennsylvania. Those that have been pre- 
served and made accessible to the writer have been examined 
by him in person. With the exception of a few cases, the 
minutes of the preparative meetings have not been well kept ; 
hence, that source of information is very limited. 

If this work possesses merit, it is by reason of the coopera- 
tion of many men and women. I am obligated to the 
members of the Society of Friends who, as custodians of 
records, have been instrumental in forwarding the investiga- 
tion. It is also a great pleasure to acknowledge the friendly 
encouragement and assistance given by Albert Cook Myers, 
of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. I wish also to 
thank Professor Paul Monroe for the initial encouragement and 
continued interest during the progress of the investigation. 

T. W. 

Teachers College, New York 
Julyii, 1917 



■^ 



CONTENTS 



I 


Origin of the Quakers . . . . 


1-13 


II 


Meeting Organization : Its Connection with 






Education ..... 


14-25 


III 


Educational Ideals of the Quakers 


26-40 


IV 


Education in Philadelphia 


41-84 


V 


Schools of Bucks County 


85-104 


VI 


Schools of Montgomery County 


105— 121 


VII 


Schools of Chester County 


122-146 


VIII 


Schools of Delaware County 


147-166 


IX 


School Support, Organization, and Cur- 






riculum ..... 


167-203 


X 


Masters and Mistresses 


204-227 


XI 


Education of Negroes and Indians . 


228-267 


XII 


Conclusion ..... 


268-271 




Bibliography ..... 


272-282 




Abbreviations ..... 


283 




Index ...... 


285-287 



EARLY QUAKER EDUCATION 
IN PENNSYLVANIA 



CHAPTER I 
ORIGIN OF THE QUAKERS 

Reforms, discoveries and inventions are, at the outset, con- 
ceived by individual minds; seldom, if ever, are they the 
simultaneous product of several. The original connection is 
seen and made by an individual, and afterwards may be 
accepted by his fellows, who may appropriate the new idea to 
themselves and make its applications manifold. The novel 
idea or relationship, once seen, thoroughly comprehended 
and expressed becomes either the common property of many, 
extending far afield from its original source, or is rejected 
because it fails to prove attractive to human interests or 
necessary for the satisfaction of human needs. By this 
means changes are wrought in a group or society of individ- 
uals, and the belief or the contribution of one individual 
becomes the faith or the possession of a nation. The meaning 
of the above statement is at once made clear by mere mention 
of a few names, such as Luther, Bacon, Pestalozzi, Confucius, 
Whitefield, Goethe and Fox. It is with the ideas and the 
formally stated doctrines of the last mentioned that we are in 
this connection chiefly concerned. 

In a study of education among the Quakers it is desirable, 
if not absolutely imperative, to go back to the origin of the 
society and note, at least in part, the tenets of the society and 
the reasons for its foundation. For this purpose the best 
materials are to be found in the life and works of George 
Fox, the founder of the Society of Quakers. It would, per- 
haps, be unnecessary at present to make any considerable 
study of beliefs or tenets, if it were not for the fact that, in 
times past, some of the expressions of their belief have been 
misconstrued. For instance, reference may be made here 
to the so-called doctrine of inner light which was promulgated 

(I) 



An essential 
in leaders 



Brief study 
of Quaker 
beliefs 
necessary 



2 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

by George Fox at the very beginning of his work in 1647.^ 
It will be of advantage to first sketch briefly the early life of 
this exponent of Quakerism. 

George Fox was born July, 1624 (old style), at Drayton-in- 

Fox's youth the-clay,^ in Leicestershire, England. His father, Christo- 

and early pher Fox, otherwise known as "Righteous Christer," was a 

education weaver by trade and "an honest man. ' ' His mother, he says, 

was of the stock of martyrs.^ 

His earliest life was spent in the home of his parents, under 
whose tutelage he received a careful religious training. He 
says of himself that he was unusually grave for a youth of his 
age and that his thought constantly tiurned to subjects of 
religious nature. This characteristic religious disposition, 
noticed by his mother, was the cause of a more indulgent 
attitude toward him than was granted the other children in 
the family, especially in regard to their religious instruction. 
Of his school education we have but a meagre account; 
according to Sewell, his only education was received in the 
home and consisted of the bare necessaries such as reading 
and writing.'* The essence of his religious education seems 
to be adequately summarized in his own words as follows: 

The Lord taught me to be faithful in all things, and to act faithfully 
two ways, viz., inwardly to God, and outwardly to man; and to keep 
to yea and nay in all things.^ 

As he advanced in years some of his people, being aware 
of his religious tendencies, would gladly have had him enter 
the priesthood, but others dissenting, he was placed with a 
man who was a shoemaker, grazier and dealer in wool.^ In 
this employment he seems to have given much satisfaction to 
his employer, and, as for himself, he too enjoyed the work of 
shepherd, affording, as it did, ample opportunity for close 
communion with nature and limiting his connections with 
the corrupt society of mankind, from which he sought to free 
himself.'' 



'Fox, Journal, I, 53. 

"Now called Fenny Drayton (see Friends Library, I, 28). 

'Fox, Journal, I, 49. 

*Sewell, llisL, I, 11. 

^Fox, Journal, I, 49. 

HUd., 50. 'Sewell, Hist., I, 12. 



Origin of the Quakers 



About the age of nineteen, his dissatisfaction with the 
world and the people about him caused him to leave his rela- 
tions and acquaintances and to seek out a more lonely 
existence in some place where he was quite unknown. This 
decision being made, he journeyed "at the command of 
God," first to Lutterworth, Northampton, NeWlort-Pagnell, 
and came finally, in 1644, to Barnet. During these days he 
was often in great despair and questioned whether he had done 
rightly in leaving his parents and friends. In these periods 
of misgiving he consulted often with priests concerning his 
condition and sought thereby a remedy, which, however, he 
did not find. Driven by sheer desperation he continued to 
travel, and, after leaving Barnet, came to London where he 
remained for a short time only, having come now to a decision 
that he should return again to the home of his parents.^ 

The return to his native village, however, was no cure for 
his mental ill, though his conscience was thereby somewhat 
stilled. He continued his visits to various priests, especially 
one Nathaniel Stevens, with whom he was wont to argue 
religious questions, and who, after Fox had enunciated certain 
beliefs, which will be mentioned later, became one of his 
most cruel persecutors.^ Each succeeding experience with 
the priests was but a repetition of a former and it became 
clear to him that they saw nothing but the externals of his 
condition and had not the power to penetrate to the inner- 
most complexities of his situation. According to his view 
their recommendations met only the demands of the ecclesias- 
tics; his need was genuine and he was enabled to see the 
narrow limitations which hamper the activity of one man 
who attempts to parcel out salvation to another. 

George Fox was now in his twenty-second year. It is 
pertinent that mention be made at this place of three funda- 
mental beliefs or principles, whose truth, up to this time, had 
made itself manifest in his mind. The second of these is the 
one which, being so often misquoted, has become the basis 
for the belief on the part of many, that the Society was 
opposed to education. 

^Fox, Journal, I, 51. 
nUd., 52. 



Beginning 
of his 

travels 



His return 
home 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Three of 
Fox's con- 
clusions; 
fundamental 



But not 
untried 



1. And the Lord opened to me that, if all were believers, then they 
were all born of God, and passed from death unto life, and that none 
were true believers but such ; and though others said they were believers, 
yet they were not. 

2. The Lord opened unto me, that being bred at Oxford or Cam- 
bridge was not enough to fit and qualify men to be ministers of Christ ; 
and I wondered at it, because it was the common belief of the people. 

3. At another time it was opened to me, that God, who made the 
world, did not dwell in temples made with hands. . . . But the 
Lord showed me clearly that he did not dwell in these temples which 
men had commanded and set up, but in people's hearts; for both 
Stephen and the apostle Paul bore testimony that he did not dwell in 
temples made with hands, not even in that which he had once com- 
manded to be built, since he put an end to it; but that his people were 
his temple, and he dwelt in them.^" 

These doctrines which he began to promulgate in 1647 
were recognized as fundamental, and their influence is 
plainly to be seen in the organization and discipline of the 
society which finally resulted. ^^ 

It may well be mentioned here that though these tenets 
were incorporated in the foundation principles of the Quakers, 
they were by no means new, in the sense that they had never 
been accepted, in part, at least, by any other group of people. 
J. Brown, writing concerning the Quakers, states that 
Caspar Schwenkfeld, a Silesian of high birth, had promul- 
gated the same doctrines of inner light, direct revelation and 
the inadequacy of the sacraments at least two centuries 
before the time of Fox in England. 1- The dispersion of 
Schwenkfeld's adherents in 1547 led to the spread of their 
doctrines outside of Silesia, being embraced by a part of the 
Mennonite Church of Amsterdam, whence their entrance was 
made into England, and found acceptance in the minds of the 
Quakers. 13 This view is held also by other students of 
Quaker history,^* and the similarity of doctrine is clearly seen 
in the statement of the Mennonite creed, as given by B. L. 
Wicks, a student of Mennonite history.''^ Further, it is 



^Hbid., 53. 

"Myers, A. C, Immigration of Irish Quakers into Pa., 5. 

i^Brown, in Traill, H. D., Social England, IV, 258. 

^Ubid. 

"Barclay, R., Inner life of Religious Societies of the Commomveallh, 77. 

"Wicks, B. L., The Amish Mennoniles, 13-18. 



Origin of the Quakers 



known that some of the earliest preachers among Quakers 
went to Amsterdam and vicinity and found there a kindly 
reception by a part of the people, making converts among 
both the Baptists^^ and the Mennonites.^^ An instance of 
their kindly attitude toward Quakers and also of the recogni- 
tion given their belief on the part of the Quakers, is shown in 
the account by Thomas Chalkley, concerning his journey of 
some nine hundred miles in Holland, Friesland and Ger- 
many. ^^ 

As I have had great peace and satisfaction in my travels in Holland 
and Germany, so, for inciting others under the like exercise, I may tnily 
say that there is encouragement for faithful ministers to labor in the 
work of the gospel. I know not that I ever met with more tenderness 
and openness in people than in those parts of the world. There is a 
great people whom they call Mennonites, who are very near to truth, 
and the fields are white unto the harvest among divers of them, 
spiritually speaking.i^ 

At Kriegsheim in the Palatinate Quaker exhorters like 
Ames and Rolfe, who had been sent out by the direction of 
George Fox, 1657, succeeded in winning converts among the 
Mennonites, though they were received unfavorably by the 
magistrates who fined those who offered to give them any 
entertainment.^^ It is from this same district that both 
Quakers and Mennonites made their voluntary departure 
and came to settle in Pennsylvania. Their prompt attention 
to school affairs on their first arrival is very similar to that 
of the Quakers, though in their case it was often the work of 
the laity, and not through the church organization.^^ 

A still more extensive missionary journey was undertaken 
at a later date, 1677, by several Quakers, among them Fox, 
Penn, Furly, Barclay and Keith. They visited Brill, Leyden 
and Haarlem where they held meetings, preaching to both 
Quakers and Mennonites.^^ fhe tour continued up into the 



i«Sewell, Hist., I, 284. 
"Pa. Ger. Soc, IX, 166. 
i^Chalkley, Journal, Friends Library, VI, 27. 

^^Besse, Sufferings of the Quakers, II, 45of . 
2iPa. Ger. Soc, IX, 401. 

^Pa. Mag. of Ilist., II, 250; Seidensticker, Erste deutsche Einwander- 
ung in Amerika, 29-33. 



Kindly 
reception 
given to 
Quaker 
ministers 



Journey of 
Fox, Penn, 
Furly, Bar- 
clay and 
Keith 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Increased 
number of 
ministers 



The number 
of adherents 
estimated 



Rhine region where Penn and his party came into touch with 
members of the Pietist group. It is doubtless true that this 
journey and the impression which was made by Penn must 
have played an important part a few years later when he 
opened his colony to settlers on the well known liberal 
principles. 

In the presentation of the foregoing m_aterial it has been 
pointed out: (i) how the doctrines of the Quakers were 
rapidly spread broadcast by the itinerant preachers ; and (2) 
that there was a great similarity between Quaker and Men- 
nonite in doctrine and belief. 

The work of spreading the new gospel, as instanced by the 
work of Ames and Rolfe in 1657, was carried rapidly forward; 
as early as 1654, seven 3^ears after George Fox had begun to 
preach, he had enlisted the services of some sixty preachers 
who travelled continually up and down the country.^^ 
Such a number of leaders bespeaks a considerable following, 
though we have no record of a census of the followers made 
during Fox's lifetime. Brown is apparently willing to accept 
Barclay's statement that by 1675 they numbered ten thous- 
and in London and by the end of the century, sixty thousand.^* 
It does not seem that this is too large an estimate. It can 
be estimated from the work of Besse on Sufferings that 
between 1650 and 1689 there were approximately fifteen 
thousand individual cases of " sufferings. "^^ Since his work 
is compiled from "authentic records" it may be considered to 
be fairly accurate, though the errors, if any, would likely be 
to make the number too small rather than too large. As a 
matter of fact his collection includes some cases between 1689 
and 1700, but the vast majorit}^ of them are from the period 
above stated. Certainly we must suppose that if such a large 
number actually came under the hand of English tolerance, 
then the total nimiber of adherents very probably equalled 
or exceeded the estimate previously mentioned. Whatever 
objection may be made to the accuracy of these figures they 
may certainly be taken as fairly indicative of the growth of 
the sect; for that purpose they are intended. 



"Brown, J. in Traill, Soc. England, IV, 259. 
^*Ihid. 26Besse, J., Sufferings, II, 539-638. 



Origin of the Quakers 



Just as the church discipHne and organization are traceable 
to the hand of Fox, so also is the attitude on educational 
affairs. It has been said that the doctrine of the inner light 
made all education unnecessary, and this perverted idea has 
doubtless possessed even some members of Quakers to the 
extent that they came to regard learning as an instrument of 
Satan, a thing to be carefully avoided. However true this 
statement may have been of some members of the group, it 
certainly is not representative of the belief and practice of 
the Quakers as a whole. Som.e of the more ignorant may 
have interpreted the inner light to mean just that thing; but 
it is certainly true that such an idea was never expressed by 
George Fox, nor did it become the accepted belief of the 
organization, as is shown by their practices. The actual 
practice, educational, among Quakers is to be followed in this 
monograph. A later chapter will be devoted to a considera- 
tion of the views on education held by various individuals 
who have left some tangible monuments to their beliefs. In 
the present chapter, however, it is intended to indicate 
merely the position assumed by Fox in regard to the question 
at the outset of his labors. 

As has been previously mentioned (page 2) George Fox 
had the advantage of only a limited education. Opposition 
to the higher education, if he exhibited such, might find an 
explanation in this fact, assuming that not having shared its 
delights and advantages, he chose to deprecate it altogether. 
From a study of his utterances and his actions throughout 
his career it seems, however, that the facts point rather to a 
true appreciation rather than deprecation of education. 
The evidence appears to support, in a very satisfactory man- 
ner, the following points: 

1. That he placed a great emphasis on moral and religious 
training. 

2. Educationshouldbeof practical value; apprenticeship 
education recommended. 

3. That the establishment of schools was believed to 
be necessary. 

4. The objection to classical training was its inadequacy 
to prepare for a minister of the gospel. 



Fox's doc- 
trine the 
basis in their 
educational 
practice 



Fox's educa- 
tional creed 



8 



Early Quaker Eiinrntio)i in Pefimylvania 



Prohibitions, 
moral, social 
and educa- 
tional 



5. That the soojh^ oi cdwcaiiou Avas not litnited to Quakers 
alone, nor oven to the Whites, but shotiKl inehide also Negroes, 
Indians and the poorer elasses of soeiety as well as the rieh. 
The remainder of this ehapter will he devoted to a brief con- 
sideration of the forei^oini; statements. 

First, in regard to moral and religious instnietion, it 
seemes hardly necessary to do more than state simply 
that he did urge nioraj edueation at all tinies. ?Iis whole 
life being penueated wth the desire to projKigate his newly 
founded society, it certainl\' is to be expeeted that he would 
reeomniend and insist on instnietion of that natinw If proof 
be desired, howe\-er, it ma\' be fouml in statements made 
from time to tinie, whieh are qiuMed below. The system 
of moral education based on the utterances of Fox was 
cliieily a prohibitory one, and it might, well be questioned 
whether the result would not be [iassi\e rather than active 
virtues. 

. . . . in warning such as kept public houses for entertainment, 
tliat they should not let people have more drink than would do them 
good; and in testifying against their wakes and feasts, May games, 
sports, plays and shows, which trained up peo]ile to vanity and looseness 
and led them from the fear of God : . .in '"airs also, and in niarkels 

I was made to declare against th>nr deceitful merchandise, cheating and 
cozening; warning all to deal justly, to sjjeak the tinith, to let their yea 
be yea and their nay be nay; . . . 1 was moved also to cry against 
all sorts of music, and against the moimtebanks playii^g tricks on their 
stages, for they burdened the pure life and stained the people's mind to 
vanity. I was much exercised, too, with schoolmasters and school- 
mistresses, warning them to teach their children sobriety in the fear of 
the Lord, that they might not be nurseil and trained up in lightness, 
vanity and wantonness. Likewise I was made to warn masters and 
mistresses, fathers and mothers in private families, to liilce care that their 
children and servants might be trained up in the fear of the Lord ; and 
that they themselves should be therein examples and patterns of 
sobriety and virtue to them.*^ 

I was to bring them off from all the world's fellowship and prayings 
and singings, which stood in forms without power: . . .'-' 

These prohibitioiis and many others that were enunciated 
from time to time in his speaking and writing, were to be in 
time a part of the discipline of the organization, and were as 

*«Fox, G., /owrMa/, I, 73; also 264-265. 
^Ubid.,yi. 



(^rivi)i ([I the (hiakrrs g 

relijnously imposed on ;ill iiicnihiM-s as I. lie iii'doi* of Mic mcctiii}^ 

and llic dinUrullv of llu- l;isl< would iJcniiiL. 'Jlic cases ,, , . 

cominK up bclorc I. lie iikhiIJiIv iiutitiiij^'S for disciplmc arc ,-„.|,(., p|„(,p 

hir)-^cly composed of iii('i-iii}',(Mncn(,s of the rej:;itl.'il.ioiis, wliidi in ihr (imrcli 

gi'cw ()ii(. of l^)x's rccoiumciidalious. These (ire, wilhoiil, 

question, of very ascetic nature. One instance which illns- 

tnitcs the ineorporution of these ideals in \hv (hsciphne of 

the oi')',a;ni'/,a,tion may he eited in this CDiiUcetion. 

All l''i iciids, I i!iin ii|i voiii cliildicii ill liic four of God; mid ;i;; Micy iini 
CUpablr, llicy iiKiy \n- iiisl riiclcd .ind kepi ciiiployi'd in i.onid liiwflll 
calliiiKI "'''d IIk'S' ni;iy hr (lili).',riil, i.civiii)'. I lie Lord in (lie Iliiiij^K tllilt 
lire good; lli.'il, none niiiy live idh' .ind lie dcslroyns ol' Mic crc.'d inn, and 
tliWdhy IxToinc iMirdcnr.oinc lo <illicr:;, and Id Mic jii;;!. wiliic:;;; in 
llKMiim'lvcs.''"' 

Second, the enipha;;i;; placed on the \aln(>s to he (Iei-ive(l 
from, IX pnu'tiea,! e(hiea,tion, to \)c j',otten, to a laiy.e <U')',ree, 
thr(rti|i;h a, (-arefnl system of apprentieinj,^ the ehil(h'en of 
mcmhers to people, meinhers if possihle, who woidd aJ;;o he 
(\'irefiil in rej,',urd to tlieii" moral iiistnielion, is unmis(a,kaJ)Ie. 
The |)nictice as reconimeiidcd, indieated helow, heeanic^ the 
general iiile in Quaker communities, as is a,de<|nately evi- 
denced in the incetiii)^ l"ecor<1s. Ill this comn'ction, however, 
it should he kept in mind that u|)|)reuticeshii) education 
could he li-juiliy enforced. 

Ilt'ini'; in l/ondon, il, c-iinc n|)(iii inc In vvrilf l.o Prictidi; lJn(>n);li(inl l.lic 
nnlioii, (iliuul. |)iil I ill)', oil! pdo: cliildicn \<> Ira dc;;. Wlicrcluic I sen I, I lie 
foilowillji; iipistlc In IIk- (inailii ly incclin)',:; ol li icii<l;; in all tonnl ic;;: 

M V I )|f,AU I'^KIKNOS, 

Ia'I. (^vcry (iiiiirlcrly nn-ctiiic; nmkc iM()tiiry l.linnif^li all tlui nionlhly 

(UkI other MRHi(.iii^,^s, lo know iiil i^'iciids thai, arc widowH, or otlicru lliaX . 

1 1 ■! I ci , . i i , • I • ,1 i , Apprcntice- 

riavo clrildren lit, to ptii oiiL l.o ii|)prt'nl,u:csnip; so thai, oiiC(! n (Uiinlcr , . , 

, r ,1 !■ t ,1 .• I '''"I' «''l»ca- 

you may set lorl.h an a,i)prcnl.icc Irnin your (|iiarl.crly uicoting; and no 

you may sot foiMi lom in a year in cacli coiinly, or more, if there lie 

occasion. Tin:; apiuenUet^, wIkmi onT ol hi;; lime, may help hii! ra,l,lier 

ormollii'i, and snpport the family tlml i;; dc(!iy<Ml; ;nid in ;;o doinjr all 

may eoinc to live comfortably. 'Phi;; hciii); done in yoin' (iiiarterly 

meclinf.;;^ yon will have knowlcd}.;e tiir()n>,;h the county in the monthly 

and partienlar meeting's, ol" musters (it for tliem, and of snch trades as 

their parents or the children are most inelinal)le to. 'i'hiis, being i)laced 



lion rceoin 
inciidcd 



"^Friends Lib., 1, 1.29. 



lO 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



And executed 
in various 
meetings 



Establish- 
ment of 
school 
advised 



out with Friends, they may be trained up in truth; and by this means in 
the wisdom of God, you may preserve Friends' children in the truth, and 
enable them to be strength and help to their families, and nurses, and 
preservers of their relations in their ancient days. . . . For in the 
country you know, you may set forth an apprentice for a little to several 
trades, as bricklayers, masons, carpenters, wheelwrights, ploughwrights, 
tailors, tanners, curriers, blacksmiths, shoemakers, nailers, butchers, 
weavers of linen and woolen stuffs and serges, etc., and you may do well 
to have a stock in your quarterly meetings for that purpose. All that is 
givenby any Friends at their decease (except it be given to some partic- 
ular use, person or meeting) may be brought to the public stock for that 
purpose. This will be the way for the preserving of many that are poor 
among you, and it will be the way of making up poor families. In 
several counties it is practised already. Some quarterlies set forth two 
apprentices; and sometimes the children of others that are laid on the 
parish. You may bind them for fewer or more years, according to their 
capacities. . . . "^ 

G. F. 
London, ist of nth month, 1669. 

The following lines, taken from the meeting records, are 
sufficient proof of the working out of this recommendation 
concerning apprenticeship education. 

It is agreed and concluded upon by this meeting, that the meeting 
take care of all Friends children that are left as orphans and unsettled, 
to inspect and see that all such be taken care of and settled in the best 
and suitablest manner, according to their capacity, that thereby they 
may discharge their duty and all such be eased by taking such due care.'" 

Third, the establishment of schools was believed to be 
necessary ; for a proof of this attitude may be cited his action 
in regard to the establishment of schools at Waltham and 
Shacklewell. 

Then returning towards London by Waltham, I advised the setting 
up of a school there for teaching boys ; and also a girls' school at Shackle- 
well, for instructing them in whatsoever things were civil and useful.'^ 

This statement would certainly indicate a liberal attitude 
towards education. Fox himself makes no further comment 
on what the nature of the school was to be. His interest in 
these schools, it is asserted, never flagged, and many visits 
were made in behalf of their prosperity.'^ 



"Fox, G., Journal, II, 76f. 

'"Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 9 — 2 — 1699. 

''Fox, Journal, II, 57. ^'-Friends Lib., I, 72. 



Origin of the Quakers 



Fourth, the popular idea that has at times prevailed, that 
Quaker? objected to giving an education such as was enjoyed 
by other sects, was probably founded on a misunderstanding 
of certain statements made by Fox with regard to education. 
Let us examine some of these statem.ents, and seek to learn 
his intended meaning. 

I saw that to be a true believer was another thing than they looked 
on it to be; and I saw that being bred at Oxford or Cambridge did not 
qualify or fit a man to be a minister of Christ; what then should I 
follow such for? So neither these, nor any of the dissenting peoples 
could I join with, but was a stranger to all, relying wholly upon the 
Lord Jesus Christ.^^ 

I was to bring people off from Jewish ceremonies and from heathenish 
fables, and from men's inventions and worldly doctrines, by which they 
blew the people about this way and the other way, from sect to sect; 
and from all their beggarly rudiments, with their schools and colleges for 
making ministers of Christ, who are indeed ministers of their own making 
but not of Christ; . . ?^ 

They could not know the spiritual meaning of Moses; the prophets 
and John's words, nor see their paths and travels, much less see through 
them, and to the end of them into the kingdom, unless they had the 
spirit of Jesus; nor could they know the words of Christ and of his 
apostles without his Spirit.'^ 

Then we came to Durham, where was a man come from London to set 
up a college there, to make ministers of Christ, as they said. I went, 
with some others, to reason with him and to let him see that to teach men 
Hebrew, Greek and Latin, and the seven arts, which were all but the 
teachings of the natttral man, was not the way to make them ministers 
of Christ.36 

These statements represent a small selection from many 
sim.ilar ones, and may be fairly taken as indicative of his 
position concerning this one point. They are the most 
drastic prohibitory statements made on the subject in aU of 
his works. But even here we fail to find either (i) a con- 
demnation of general or ordinary education or (2) a wholesale 
condemnation of classical education; indeed we read no 
objection to a minister's possessing a knowledge of classical 
authors, such as was the case of both Penn and Barclay, pro- 



But classical 
education 
not the first 
essential for 
ministers 



^^Fox, Journal, I, 53. 
^*Ibid., 72. 
35/k'd., 69. 
^^Ibid., 327. 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



vided he possess also the "light." 
sirromarized as follows: 



His statements mav be 



Summary of 

educational 

statements 



Education 
not limited 
to Friends 



1. Classical training is inadequate as a preparation for 
ministers of the gospel. 

2. Divine guidance is the one requisite for their prepara- 
tion. 

3. There is no objection to the classical learning if it be 
added to the qualification imder (2). 

Fijih, their conception of the scope of education did not 
limit it to their own people alone, but extended it rather to 
all peoples, Negroes and Indians, the rich and the poor. This 
is made perfectly plain in his address sent to the Governor 
of the Barbados in 167 1. 

Consider, Friends, it is no transgression for a master of a family to 
instruct his family himself, or for some others to do it in his behalf; but 
rather it is a very great duty incumbent upon them. . . . We 
declare that we esteem it a duty incumbent on us to pray with and for 
those in and belonging to our families ; .... and to teach, instruct 
and admonish them; . . . now Negroes, Tawnies and Indians make 
up a very great part of the families in this island; for whom an account 
will be required by him who comes to judge both quick and dead, at the 
great day of judgment, when every one shall be rewarded according to 
the deeds done in the body, whether they be good or whether they 
be evil.^^ 

The effect of the above statements must tend to convince 
even the skeptical that any statement or belief, to the effect 
that the founder of Quakerism was opposed to education, is 
chiefly a myth based on either ignorance or gross mis- 
understanding. 

SUMMARY 

The origin of the Quakers and the organization and dis- 
cipline of the Society are due almost entirely to the influence 
which first came from the founder, George Fox. He extended 
his belief in his native country and even into foreign countries 
by (i) preaching, (2) letters, (3) extensive travels on his own 
part, and (4) through the agency of many capable men whom 
he attracted to his service. For this service the leading of the 



^Ubid., II, 105. 



Origin of the Quakers 13 

inner light was deemed the only preparation which was abso- 
lutely necessary. The society experienced a rapid growth in 
niimbers and, due to the policy of its founder, laid great stress 
on the moral and practical education of their youth. A great 
similarity existed between the beliefs of Quakers and those 
of the Mennonites, both of which came to form a large part of 
the population of the colony of Pennsylvania. The Men- 
nonite beliefs are thought, by some special students of their 
history, to have been the determining influence in forming 
those of Friends; but this is not clearly proven. It is 
pointed out, by certain references to utterances of George 
Fox, which to a great extent formed the basis for Quaker 
practices, that the common belief in their objection to educa- 
tion is erroneous. The system of moral education was 
exacting and full of sweeping prohibitions, and, in those 
respects, according to modem ideals, quite inadequate. 



CHAPTER II 

MEETING ORGANIZATION: ITS CONNECTION 
WITH EDUCATION 



An 

organization 

developed 



The place of 
organization 
in the estab- 
lishment 
of schools 



The organization of meetings in the Society of Friends was 
based ahnost entirely on the recommendation of its founder, 
and still obtains without many variations from the type 
which was thus early begun. The organization thus planned 
was not developed completely at one time, but depended 
rather on the growth of the society in this or that section of 
the country. Meetings, as at first established, were not so 
speciaHzed in their functions as they came to be later; there 
were those for worship and sufferings, the latter becoming 
in due time a specialized part of the yearly meeting, and for 
taking action in regard to poor members. The time was 
further occupied in disciplining those members who were not 
faithftil to the doctrines of the church. 

It is of particular importance for us to tmderstand the 
ordinary arrangement of the meetings and their relation to 
each other, since it was by virtue of this organization of the 
church that its schools were set up. Perhaps no other factor 
played so important a part in the success which was met with 
in setting up schools, as that through the organization of the 
meetings aU localities were kept in closer touch ^vith each 
other than would otherwise have been possible at that time. 
As it was, the local meetings were literally forced to listen 
to the school-proposition, even though they were in the back- 
woods of America, or inhabited the Barbados. The chief 
means of communication established were church letters, 
travelling ministers, representatives from the constituent 
meetings, and reports of general meetings which were dis- 
tributed to all those belonging thereunto.^ 



'Letters, London Yearly Meeting, 4 — 10, 14 — 1717. 

(14) 



Meeting Organization: Connection with Education 15 

Originally the purpose of the church organization seems 
to have been twofold. It was realized that among those who 
became members some would be less constant in their 
behavior than others ; hence some sort of oversight was neces- 
sary to keep each and every one in line. In the second place, Purposes of 
there were many adherents in limited circumstances and the the organi- 
Quakers' belief made it imperative that these people be taken zation 
care of in the best manner possible.^ Realizing the existence 
of these conditions among members, it was clear to Fox that 
a definitely organized meeting was necessary whereby (i) the 
necessary assistance could be extended to those in need, (2) 
discipline could be enforced for the m.aintenance of the 
religious life of the organization, and (3) new meetings coiild 
be officially established when and where they became neces- 
sary. 

The earliest mention that is made of a meeting established 
for these purposes is in the case of Balby, in Yorkshire, in 
1658.^ This statement is not exactly accurate, it seems, for Early 
we have also mention made of a general meeting, or what ^+oKi?fi!^ 
came to be known as a yearly meeting, as early as 1654 when 
one was held at Swannington in Leicestershire.* The meet- 
ing at Balby seems to have been of considerable importance 
and is frequently mentioned as one of the stopping places of 
George Fox. He recounts a meeting held at that place in 
1660 "in a great orchard of John Killam_'s where it was sup- 
posed some thousands of people and Friends were gathered 
together."^ The business of the yearly meeting seems to have 
been to devote some time to the affairs of the church ; at any 
rate, this idea is expressed by Fox in writing of a similar 
meeting held at Skipton in 1660.^ The characteristic of 
these meetings, that is always m.entioned, is that they were 
attended by representatives from various towns and counties. 
The yearly meeting is still a representative body. 

The smaller meetings for worship were, of course, the first 
established. Aside from the question of worship, however. 



established 



^Friends Lib., i, 68. 

UUd. 

*Fox, Journal, i, 179. 

^Ibid., 362. 

^Ibid., 363. 



i6 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Meetings 
develop from 
larger to the 
smaller 



Number of 
monthly 
meetings 
set up 



the development of the organization was from the larger imit 
to the smaller. We have noted above the beginning of the 
general or yearly meeting. As the sect grew in nimibers, and 
the labor of caring for these, sometimes in a physical sense 
and again in the religious, increased, it became necessary to 
have a finer organization, the smaller units of which would 
reach the smallest communities. By 1665 there were 
established (i) the yearly and (2) the quarterly meetings, and 
in 1666 Fox recommended the establishment of a smaller 
unit, the monthly meeting, saying; 

Then I was moved of the Lord to recommend the setting up of five 
monthly meetings of men and women in the City of London (besides the 
women's meetings and the quarterly meetings) to take care of God's 
glory, and to admonish and exhort such as walked disorderly or care- 
lessly, and not according to the truth.- For whereas Friends had had 
only quarterly meetings, now truth was spread, and Friends were grown 
more numerous, I was moved to recommend the setting up of monthly 
meetings throughout the nation. And the Lord opened to me what I 
must do, and how the men's and the women's monthly and quarterly 
meetings should be ordered and established in this and other nations; 
and that I should write to those where I did not come, to do the same.' 

Immediately after this, there is mentioned the establish- 
ment of monthly meetings in Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk, 
Huntingdonshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire and War- 
wickshire and many others.^ Three years later (1669) he 
reports fourteen monthh^ meetings in the county of York.^ 
The rapid increase in the number of meetings and the extent 
of territory covered by them is a fair indication of the phe- 
nomenal growth of the societ}^ 

Following his resolve and subsequent exertions toward 
setting up of monthly meetings, during which he made very 
extensive campaigns, there came the great step which was 
taken to organize all under the general leadership of a yearly 
meeting, that of London. This was accomplished in 1672.^° 
This general meeting of ministers drew up a resolution or 
minute to this effect: 



''Fo-x., Journal, 11, 52f. 
Hhid. 
Hbid., (i-j. 
^"Friends Lib., i, 69. 



Meeting Organization: Connection with Education 17 



It is concluded agreed and assented to by Friends present that for the 
better ordering, managing and regulating of the public affairs of Friends 
relating to the Truth and the service thereof, there be a general 
meeting of Friends held at London once a year, in the week called 
Whitsun-week, to consist of six Friends for the City of London, three 
for the city of Bristol, two for the city of Colchester and one or two from 
each of the counties of England and Wales respectively." 

The meeting convened in the year following, in accordance 
with the above resolution. Many of the duties performed by 
the General Meeting of Ministers were transferred to the 
representatives of the various meetings. The ministers, 
though in fact subject to the approval or disapproval of 
monthly meetings, did not relinquish their oversight of each 
other. 

The smallest unit in the organization was the particular or 
preparative meeting. This meeting is not mentioned in aU 
localities, though it is clear from Fox's statements that he 
recognized this as a part of the organization, for in a letter of 
1669 he writes concerning the representatives of the quar- 
terly meetings that, 

none that are, raw or weak and are not able to give a testimony of the 
affairs of the church and Truth, may go on behalf of the particular 
meetings to the quarterly meetings, but may be nursed up in your 
monthly meetings.^^ 

This statement is given here merely for the purpose of point- 
ing out how completely the ideas of Fox were embodied in 
even the smallest unit of church organization. There is ade- 
quate proof of their existence in all sections occupied by the 
Quakers in Pennsylvania, and of their great importance in 
carr3dng out the details both of relief work for the poor, and 
in the establishment of schools. ^^ 

There have been noted different phases of the development 
of the meeting organization. When finally it was complete in 
all its parts, there existed a hierarchy of meetings, the lower 
and smaller units of which were subject to and under the 



"Friends Lib., 117. 

^^Ibid., 125. 

i^Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 3 — i — 1797. 
Min. Horsham Preparative Mtg., 12 — 20 — 1757. 



London 
Yearly 
Meeting 
established 



The prepara- 
tive meeting 
the smallest 
unit 



Details of 
organization 
worked out 
by Fox 



i8 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



direction of the higher. This restiltant organization may be 
made somewhat clearer by means of a diagrammatical 
representation. 



P represents the preparative 
M the monthly 



Q the quarterly 

Y the yearly meetings 






Q 














M 




M 






^ t— 





DDDDDU DDDnDD D 



DU 



v^ 



Functions 
of yearly 
meeting 



P P P 

The above diagram represents the relation of the various 
kinds of meetings in the organization of the Society of 
Friends. The yearly meeting (Fig. i, Y) is the general head 
of the entire organization. Its functions are of a general 
directive nature and its influence of very wide extent. For 
example, it wiU be shown a little later that the Yearly 
Meeting of London issued, very early, certain communica- 
tions concerning education which were sent to each meeting 
belonging to the London Yearly Meeting. In the same man- 
ner it exercised its influence along other lines than education. 
There is no special virtue in the number of meetings repre- 
sented above; for example, the three Q's do not mean that 
each and every yearly meeting had three quarterly meetings 
under its care. The number is not specified. In the case of 
the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting there are at present nine 
quarterly meetings and two half-yearly meetings. ^^ The 
same variation is also true in the ntimber of monthly meetings 
in a quarter, Cain Quarterly ha^dng only one monthl}^ meet- 



M 







"Friends Yearbook, 191 7, i6f. 



Meeting Organization: Connection with Education 19 



ing, while Western Quarterly has six.^^ The same is true as 
to the number of preparative meetings. 

The quarterly meeting is representative of the monthly 
meetings which comprise it. Its functions are chiefly direc- 
tive and advisory, though it may often occur that a bad case 
of discipline may be turned over to it by the monthly meeting. 
In the case of school regulations, its chief concern was to pass 
on the recommendations of the yearly meeting to the monthly 
meetings and to repeat them frequently, that the lower 
meetings might be stirred up to action.^' It was also through 
the quarterly meetings that the reports on the conditions of 
schools in the monthly meetings were collected and sent to 
the yearly meeting. It was also quite customary for the 
monthly units to pass any of their decisions on a matter up to 
the quarterly unit for its formal approval or disapproval. 
Especially is this marked in educational affairs, and particu- 
larly in the Philadelphia Quarter.^^ This is most marked in 
the earliest years after establishment, and is due, no doubt, 
to a lack at that time of a very close differentiation in the 
functions of the meetings. 

The monthly meetings are primarily the business units of 
the organization. Before them come aU cases of care for the 
poor, apprenticing of children, enforcement of discipline, 
establishment of schools, requests for permission to marry, to 
remove to a new location and stiU many others. They may 
settle some of these finally, or they may act in connection 
with their superior meeting as mentioned above. 

The preparative meeting is the smallest organization tmit 
and has its finger on the pulse of the local community at all 
times. ^^ Officially it acts as the agent of the monthly 
meeting in carrying out the details of any piece of work that 
must be done, and which the monthly meeting is willing to 
delegate thus far.^" Thus in the case of Horsham, for 
instance, the business of the schools in the scope of the pre- 
parative meeting is turned over to it and their organization 



i®Friends Yearbook, 1917, i6f. 

"Min. Phila. Q. Mtg., 9—4—1728. 

^UUd., 6—30—1689. 

^^Many of the local preparative meetings are now closed. 

2"Min. Horsham Prep. Mtg., i — 27 — 1783. 



Functions 
of the 
quarterly- 
meeting 



Monthly- 
meeting the 
business 
unit 



Function of 
the prepara- 
tive meeting 



20 



Early Quaker Edttcation in Pennsylvania 



Attention 
of yearly 
meeting 
to education 
in 1690 



and maintenance are under the care of its school committee.^^ 
The preparative meeting is at all times cognizant of breaches 
of discipline among its members and responsible to report 
such to the monthly meeting for settlement. One might go to 
great length to enumerate and explain all the detailed duties 
of each of these branches of the organization, but it is 
believed sufficient has been said of them, to make their action 
in educational matters intelligible. 

We have noted, somewhat briefly to be sure, the organiza- 
tion and interrelation of the meetings in the Society of 
Friends. It is now necessary to point out what connection 
existed between this organization and the program put for- 
ward for the establirhment of schools. This will be done by 
the presentation of certain extracts from meeting records 
which seem in aU cases to have been responsible for kindling 
an interest in education in near and distant meetings, and 
keeping that interest alive by virtue of many advices until 
some material results were forthcoming. The selections pre- 
sented are not continuous; they are chosen because they are 
representative and illustrative of the point in question. 

The Yearly Meeting of London was established (see page 
17) in 1672. Consistent with the purpose of its establish- 
ment, as then stated, it began at once to busy itself with 
certain important problems of the chtirch. Among the first 
that received a considerable amount of attention was the 
education of the youths of members in the societ}?", which was, 
of course, soon extended to include others. For instance, in 
1690, there is given out this educational advice. 

And, dear Friends, it is our Christian and earnest advice and counsel 
to all Friends concerned (so far as thej^ are able or may be capable) to 
provide schoolmasters and mistresses who are faithful Friends, to teach 
and instruct their children, and not to send them to such schools where 
they are taught the corrupt ways, manners and fashions of the world 
and of the Heathen in their authors and manners of the heathenish gods 
and goddesses. . P 

And again in the year following we find the following 
advice : 



"Min. Horsham School Com., 1792-1816, one vol. 
^Min. London Yearly Mtg., 4 — 9, 11 — 1690. 



Meeting Organization; Connection with Education 21 

We are glad to hear that care is taken in some places, according to 
former advices, for the providing of schoolmasters and mistresses who 
are faithful Friends to instruct Friends' children in such method as 
Truth allows. And we desire that Friends may go on in the care to 
provide such education and schools, for the advantage of their children 
and posterity .2^ 

More specific instructions follow in 1695. 

And it is desired ... to take special care for the good education 
and order of Friends' children in God's holy fear, . . . and also to 
see that schools and schooolmasters who are faithful Friends, and well 
quaHfied, be placed and encouraged in all counties, cities and great 
towns, or places where they may be needed; and that such school- 
masters, as much as may be, sometimes correspond with one another for 1695 
their help and improvement in such good and easy methods as are 
agreeable to the Truth and the children's advantage and benefit; and 
that care be taken that poor Friends' children may freely partake of 
such education, in order to apprenticeship.^^ 

At a much later date, 1745, very similar instructions are 
found among those issued. 

And, dear Friends, though frequently and repeated advices have been 
given from this meeting, respective of the education of our youth in 
sobriety, godliness and Christian virtues; yet, this being a matter of 
very great moment for the welfare of the present and future generations, 
we think it our incumbent duty again to recommend an especial care and 1745 
therein. . . . We also recommend to schoolmasters and mistresses, 
to educate the children committed to their charge, in the frequent read- 
ing of those sacred writings and such other good books as tend to their 
instruction in true Christianity; whereby their minds are in danger of 
being corrupted and led aside from the way of truth and holiness.^^ 

A casual reading of the above statements, or any of numer- 
ous others like them, will suffice to point out to what great 
extent they are similar to the statements of Fox and other 
Quakers who were interested in education.* For con- 
venience, the content of these extracts from the yearly meet- 
ing minutes may be summarized in something like the 
following : 

1. To educate morally, according to Friends' standards. 

2. To train the individual in some practical employment. 



23Min. London Yearly Mtg., 4 — i, 4 — 1691. 
^^Ihid., 3 — 13, 17 — 1695. 
^^Ibid., 4 — 7 — 1745. 
*See first chapter. 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



A summary 
of important 
points in the 
extracts 



Exemplified 
in schools 
set up 



Influence 
exerted by 
means of 
ministers, 
epistles and 
tracts 



They are accompanied by: 

1 . Select schools. 

2. Teachers of approved morality. 

3. Selected subject matter. 

4. Apprenticeship training. 

5. Schools to be in all communities, the stronger assisting 
the weaker. 2^ 

The influence of these fundamental ideas about education 
is clearly reflected in the type of schools that were first set 
up in England. Those recommended by Fox at Waltham 
and Shacklewell in 1667, for both boys and girls, represent the 
first attempt.^^ At a later date, 1702, Clerkenwell was 
established under the oversight of London and Middlesex 
Quarterly Meetings, and in the latter part of the century the 
Ackworth School, founded by John Fothergill in 1779.^^ In 
all the schools established, of which those mentioned are 
representative, there is always found this primary emphasis 
on moral and useful training. ^^ 

The great influence of English Quaker education on that 
in America was made secure by virtue of the very intimate 
relation between the meetings in both countries ; this relation 
being constantly maintained through the traveling ministers, 
and tracts and epistles sent out by the yearly meetings. The 
same alertness, characteristic of London Yearly Meeting in 
these affairs, was likewise assumed by the Burlington and 
Philadelphia Meetings, from whence came numerour advices. 
As concrete evidence of this close relation existing, and the 
consequent communications, a few extracts thereof are 
inserted. 

There was brought to this meeting (Middletown Monthly) the last 
London printed epistle, which was read, containing sundry weighty 
advices and exhortations with some comfortable account of the pros- 
perity of the Truth in divers places, as also the extracts of our last 
yearly meeting (Philadelphia) wherein is recommended amongst other 
things, a half collection for the next year, and some proposals concerning 
the settling of schools in the country. . . .^^ 

-%lin. London Yearly Mtg., 4 — 10 — 1718. 

^Tox, Journal, II, 57. 

285*6. of Ackworth School (Eng.), p. VII. 

^^Hislory of Ayton School, if. 

^oMin. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 11 — 6 — 1750. 



Meeting Organization; Connection with Education 23 

That these letters of advice were not mere formaHties but 
were really seriously considered and acted upon favorably or 
unfavorably, as in the first case below, is shown adequately 
in the following: 

This meeting taking into consideration the proposals of last yearly 
meeting concerning the settling of schools in the country, are of the 
opinion that the method proposed will not answer for the Friends who 
live remote from each other in the country. . }^ 

In the case of Darby Monthly Meeting, later in the cen- xy a ^ ^ • 
ttuy, there is an instance in which the recommendations of results 
the yearly meeting (1778) are followed most minutely in the 
reorganization. 

In consideration of improving our school, agreeable to the recommen- 
dations of the last Yearly Meeting in 1778, and subsequent advices 
down to this time having been spread in this meeting and so and several 
remarks made thereon, pointing out the advantages which may arise 
therefrom to the present rising and succeeding ages, and the loss sus- 
tained for the want thereof, tending to animate a desire to pursue the 
interesting prospect. It is therefore now agreed that in futtire five 
Friends be appointed and called the overseers of the Darby School, three 
of whom shall be deemed a stifficient number to transact any business 
within their appointment, viz. : to have the oversight of and visit the 
school, examine the progress the scholars make in their learning, remark 
thereon as appears to them necessary; inspect the teachers' conduct, 
and from time to time as occasion may be, with the approbation of the 
meeting, agree with and employ a teacher or teachers, and on sufficient 
cause appearing, discharge any such teacher or teachers, as also any 
unruly scholars who cannot be brought to submission to the rules and 
orders of the school; hear and determine upon all differences relative to 
the school which may arise between any teacher and employer, take into 
consideration and endeavor out after some eligible plan for raising a 
fund for the benefit of the school and as way shall open for it, pursue 
the same accordingly, and every matter and thing tending to promote a 
settlement for a school agreeable to the recommendations before cited; 
and as some of our deceased brothers have made donations to this 
meeting for the benevolent purpose of schooling children of the poor, 
therefore, the aforesaid overseers are hereby empowered and directed to 
receive and collect from the trustees thereof for the time being, the 
interest arising from the said donations, dispose thereof agreeable to the 
intentions of the Donors, and when necessary, advise and assist the 
trustees in taking better securities for the principal, and as future dona- 
tions may be made for the benefit of the school, the overseers are directed 



3iMin. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 6 — i — 1751. 



24 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Works of 
Penn, Bar- 
clay, Sewell, 
Turford, and 
others 
distributed 



to extend care therein, as the same shall become necessary, and keep 
fair minutes of all moneys received and expended and other matters of 
importance which come before them, to be produced in this meeting 
when called for, and preceding the quarterly meeting in the 8th month 
annually make to this meeting a clear statement of the amount received, 
expended and remaining in hand and outstanding and of the capital 
under their care; what donations made within the year past and for 
what purposes ; and of such other matters as they may judge needful to 
enable this meeting to transmit the true estate of the school to the 
Quarterly Meeting, and as a fundamental of their proceedings they 
transcribe a copy of their minutes, together with such other writings as 
are necessary for their government in what is now constituted their 
cares.^^ 

A committee was accordingly appointed and directed to 
choose their ofiEicers, that their business might be begun at 
once and properly performed. 

In addition to the advices sent out in the form of letters 
from the yearly sessions, the meeting also furthered regu- 
larly the distribution of books, tracts and pamphlets, 
usually the expression of prominent Friends, such as, for 
example, Penn's Advice to His Children, Barclay's Apology, 
Sewell's History of Quakers, Barclay's Catechism, Turford's 
Grounds of a Holy Life, and many others of similar nature. 
Works of this kind were frequently sent over in lots, some- 
times for free distribution, or to be sold to members; as wit- 
ness the following: 

Joseph Kirkbride and Walter Faucit, having been lately in London 
upon the service of Truth, did subscribe for lOO of Barclay's Apologies 
on behalf of this yearly meeting, which the said meeting approves of; 
and agreed that Samuel Carpenter pay for them out of the yearly 
meeting stock and distribute them to each meeting according to their 
propoition of books that they usually receive, that so they may be given 
away by the several meetings for the service of truth.'' 

Sam Nixon informs the meeting that he brought from last quarterly 
meeting ten small books, entitled Reflections and Maxims, wrote by 
William Penn and printed for the use of schools, which he desired us to 
take the care of and to apply to the use intended as occasion may 
require.''' 

Produced at this meeting, 6 Barclay's Apologies, 12 Richard Davis' 
Journals, 7 Daniel Stanton's Journals, 4 Hugh Turford's Grou7ids of a 

«*Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., i — 28 — 1790. 
''Min. Phila. Yearly Mtg., 7—24 — 1708. 
3%Iin. Richland Mo. Mtg., 3 — 21 — 1793. 



Meeting Organization: Connection with Education 25 

Holy Life, 8 Barclay's Catechisms; 37 books under care of Thos. Picker- 
ing, Thos. Watson, and Robert Kirkbride — to lend to the poor or others, 
as they think useful.'^ 

The foregoing presentation of conditions within the church 
organization, their method of interaction, has been made so 
that the reader may imderstand that whatever activities may 
be later noted among the Quakers in Pennsylvania in connec- 
tion with the establishment of schools, were intimately con- 
nected with and were in fact the result of the English influence. 

SUMMARY 

The form of organization of the meeting in the Society of 
Friends was due to the needs then existing, and was planned, 
even to the smallest unit, by the founder of the society. The 
chief purposes of the organization, when first begun, were (i) 
moral and religious discipline of members, (2) assistance to the 
poor among their ntunber, and (3) to protect themselves 
against the oppression of outsiders (function of the meeting on 
sufferings). The functions of the higher meeting (yearly) 
were chiefly advisory in character, while those of the lower 
meetings (preparative) were to work out the details. Educa- 
tionally, the yearly meeting exercised an influence very early 
by its frequent recommendations and the literature sent to 
the smaller individual meetings. This role was likewise 
assumed by the Burlington and Philadelphia Yearly Meet- 
ing.^® This close relationship between the meetings of 
different order and the educational influence is in part shown 
by extracts taken from the meeting records. 



^^Extracts Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 2 — 1776. 
^^The two localities at the first establishment constituted but one 
yearly meeting, which met at each place in alternate years. 



CHAPTER III 



EDUCATIONAL IDEALS OF QUAKER LEADERS 



Criticism 

inevitable; 

beneficial 



Some criti- 
cism based 
on misunder- 
standing 



Certain 
doctrines 



The criticism 
offered by 
S. H. Cox 



Any institution one may name has its adverse critics. The 
basis of their criticism is often ill-defined; it is sometimes 
fact, sometimes imagination ; it may spring from a knowledge 
of truth, or possibly from ignorance. 

Quakerism has had many critics and the effect of wise 
criticism may be seen in sorne of the changes from the old to 
the modem Quakerism. Much of that which was unjust and 
without foundation of fact, failed to have any effect whatever. 
But though the effect on the institution may have been nil, 
it occurs in some cases that the criticism still lives in the 
popular mind and is accorded a good degree of authenticit}^. 
By those better informed it may not be so considered. It is 
with one of these criticisms, concerning the attitude of 
Quakers toward education, that we are chiefly concerned in 
this chapter. Due chiefly to a misinterpretation of the doc- 
trine of inner light and its application, which was mentioned 
in the first chapter, there arose an erroneous conception of 
the Quakers' attitude towards education. This conception 
is not always constant; it varies now to this side, now to that, 
but does not cease to persist. In order that this criticism 
may be put as clearly as possible before the reader, use is 
made here of a quotation from the works of S. H. Cox, at one 
time a member of Friends, who expresses with clearness the 
opinion of a very conriderable group of critics. 

But there is one featore of the system of Friends which deserves a 
recognition here — its inimical regard to classical and scientific learning. 
I do not say that all Friends are thus hostile, or that they are all alike 
hostile to hberal learning but I charge this hostility on the system. 
That such is its character, appears from the denunciation, the indis- 
criminate proscription of Barclay, and that not in a few places in his 
book. It appears in the general hostility of Friends to all colleges and 
seminaries where the elevated branches are thoroughly taught. Not 

(26) 



Educational Ideals of Quaker Leaders 27 

one young Friend out of five hundred, even in this free country, ever 
obtains a liberal education in fact or in name; certainly never becomes 
graduated in the arts at any chartered institution, and where an instance 
occurs, it is always attended with special difficulties. They have no 
college of liberal science in the world! Some, I know, of the suspected 
worldly sort in Philadelphia have proposed and would have forwarded 
so excellent an object, but they were always awed into despondency by 
the unlettered, all-knowing light within. And in this, their obsequious- 
ness was quite consistent, for if schools, academies, and universities are 
all in their nature wrong, and as such forbidden of God, it is certainly 
right to desist totally and at once from the prosecution of their cause! 
Incidental evils they will always include, but the system is not charge- 
able with these, unless in its nature it approves and fosters them. 
There will always be, perhaps, hypocrites at the communion table but 
Christianity does not make them, and the purest ministry of the gospel 
will often become a savor of death unto death, but sinners themselves 
and not such a ministry are to blame for the consequence. And so the 
best organized system of intellectual education that the world has seen 
has often presented the appalling spectacle of profligate and wicked 
students perverting its privileges. But what of that? Shall we bum 
our colleges? Why not ova primary school houses too? What bene- 
ficient institution, what bounty of the blessed God is not perverted and 
abused in this naughty world. . . } 

I cannot leave this matter without remarking the power of education 
especially with Friends. Their mode of education is the making and the 
keeping and the secret of their sect. They subdue the infant conscience 
with the direct rays of the inward light. They identify all divinity and 
right in the associations of their children with the light within and it 
friendly fruits. Here the spell commences that grows with their growth 
and strengthens with their strength. Investigation is much akin to 
skepticism and is devoutly precluded — but what worse skepticism it is 
to suppose that investigation could raze the foundation of our faith. 
They must take everything for granted or see it in the light. They 
must wear a ridiculous cut and color of clothes, such as are orthodox or 
common to the clanship and use the plain language and act like Friends, 
and then if they feel awkward or foolish, if their garb appears ridiculous 
to themselves, if their manner expose them to jeering and affront, if they 
are insolently struck (as I have often) in the street by worthless boys and 
cursed as a "Quaker," if their effeminate holy whine is profanely mocked, 
as it often is by saucy passengers, and if a thousand other inconveniences 
accrue, especially if they are sometimes asked for one good reason for 
such singularity in gratmtous oppositon to mankind, they must just 
bear it all for righteousness sake, not be afraid of the cross, but remem- 
ber early Friends how much more they endured in the same cause. 



iCox,S. H ., Qimkerism, 56-57 ; for similar criticism, see Bugg, Francis, 
The Quakers Detected, etc.; also Bowden, History, II, 35, recognizes the 
criticisms made. 



28 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Contrast 
Cox's 

statements 
above with 
those of early- 
Quakers in 
regard to 
education 



Only a few 
of the leaders 
statements 
to be 
considered 



Now much of this which they call a guarded education, is just the worst 
kind of sorcery. It is a fascination and religious tyrannizing over the 
blighted attributes of mind. It is a system exactly calculated to pros- 
trate every noble, courageous and manly sentiment, and to transmute a 
fine ingenuous boy into a sorry, sly, and often simulating creature in the 
form of a man.^ 

It is not necessary to discuss directly the views set forth 
in the above quotation, as they are stated clearly enough in 
the author's own language. However, in the following 
pages, there will be presented the views on education of as 
many prominent Friends as space will permit, that in so doing 
they may be considered in connection with the remarks of 
their critics and a just comparison made. In presenting the 
views of Quaker educators reference may be made to salient 
points in the criticism, which seem out of keeping with the 
ideas set forth and without foundation as matters of fact. 

There are quite a ntimber of men, in the brief period 
studied, who stand out clearly and express themselves 
definitely in favor of education, though they do not consider 
it the first requisite for a minister of the gospel.^ From this 
number it will be feasible to select only a few for the chief 
consideration, relegating the remainder to a place of compara- 
tive unimportance and incidental notice. The work of 
George Fox, though he was poorly educated, had a remark- 
able effect on the educational work of the society. But it is 
not necessary to review that in the present chapter as it has 
been presented in the first.^ 

By far the most familiar of all characters in Quaker history 
is that of William Penn. And to his influence must be 
attributed largely the hearty interest in education shown, not 
only in Philadelphia, but also in the surrounding communities. 
He was well educated, but it is not desired to make a case for 
or against him on the basis of his education ; let us judge by 
his written or spoken expression and actual procedure in 
practice. No attempt is made to prove or disprove his con- 
tentions as to what was right or wrong, necessary or unneces- 
sary in education. The questions asked in his case and the 



^Cox, S. H., Quakerism, 142-3. 

^This point was further explained in Chapter I. 

'PP- 7ff- 



Educational Ideals of Quaker Leaders 



29 



others that follow is: What did they approve or disapprove 
of in education? 

Not only in works that might be called strictly educational 
did Penn give educational advice, valuable alike to youth and 
to parents, the directors of youth. His advice to his children 
on the value of diligence and its necessity for success, and the 
propriety of frugality, even in the homes of the rich, embodies 
many of the m.ost essential principles in education at any 
time. It is especially applicable to the education of the 
man of business, emphasizing the importance of the practical 
duties in life. Some pointed statements are especially 
worthy of repetition. 

Diligence ... is a discreet and understanding application of 
onesself to business; ... it loses not, it conquers difficulties. 
. . . Be busy to a purpose; for a busy man and a man of business 
are two different things. Lay your matters and diligence succeeds 
them, else pains are lost. ... Consider well your end, suit your 
means to it, and diligently employ them, and you will arrive where you 
would be. . . J" Frugality is a virtue too, and not of little use in 
life, the better way to be rich, for it hath less toil and temptation. . . . 
I would have you liberal, but not prodigal ; and diligent but not drudg- 
ing; I would have you frugal but not sordid.® 

This bit of philosophy is educational in its bearing in very 
much the same way as that of Benjamin Franklin. 

In the letters to his wife and children, referring to the care 
for their education, he is more specifically concerned with 
actual school education. 

For their learning, be liberal. Spare no cost, for by such parsimony 
all is lost that is saved; but let it be useful knowledge such as is con- 
sistent with truth and godliness, not cherishing a vain conversation or 
idle mind; but ingenuity mixed with industry is good for the body and 
the mind too. I recommend the useful parts of mathematics, as bmld- 
ing houses, or ships, measuring, surveying, diaUng, navigation; but 
agriculttire especially is my eye. Let my children be husbandmen and 
housewives ; it is industrious, healthy, honest and of good example, . . J 

His preference, as might be expected from an Englishman 
of that time, was for a tutorial system of education. His 



Penn 

recommends 
practical 
virtues 



Diligence 



Frugality 



School edu- 
cation recom- 
mended; 
the useful 
emphasized 

Private 

tutors 

desired 



^Penn., Advice to his Children in vol. of tracts, II, 20. 
UUd. 

Tenn., Letters to Wife and Children; Tracts on Moral and Religious 
subjects, pub. 1822, 6f. 



30 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



PubKc educa- 
tion essential 
for the wel- 
fare of a 
people 



His ideals 
expressed 
in action 



Yearly meet- 
ing recom- 
mend French 
High and 
Low Dutch, 
Danish, etc. 



reasons therefore seem to have been based chiefly on moral 
grounds. 

Rather have an ingenious person in the house to teach them, than 
send them to schools ; too many evil impressions being received there.* 

The above quotation alone would seem to be adequate 
proof that Penn did not oppose education, but urged it for 
others and in his own family. But still more convincing and 
irrefutable evidence is found in the preamble to this school 
charter, whence an extract is taken. 

Whereas, the prosperity and welfare of any people depend in great 
measure upon the good education of youth, and their early instruction 
in the principles of true religion and virtue, and qualif 5^ng them to serve 
their country and themselves, by breeding them in writing and reading 
and learning of languages, and useful arts and sciences, suitable to their 
sex, age and degree; which cannot be effected in any manner or so well 
as by erecting public schools for the purposes aforesaid, therefore. . . .' 

If, as must be admitted, the previous statement points out 
the lack of any opposition to the ordinary rudimentary edu- 
cation that is necessary for the everyday walks of life, the 
last one certainly does the same in reference to his attitude 
towards a higher classical education. Moreover, this is not 
a mere skeleton of words never clothed with the flesh of 
action. The principles set forth in the charter were actually 
incorporated in the work of the schools established in Phila- 
delphia, and we find them maintaining a classical school for 
languages and higher mathematics. ^° The practical elements 
received the just emphasis which belonged to them; it was 
necessary that the boys and girls be made able to earn a 
living and be at least ordinarily intelligent citizens. The 
example of Philadelphia was followed by other communities; 
practical needs were given the firpt consideration and a higher 
classical education offered when it became possible. Not 
only were these studies, which we would term higher educa- 
tion, mentioned by Penn and other vn^iters among Quakers, 
but they were taken up and recommended by the yearly 
meeting. For example, in 1737, the minutes recommend 
that as opportunity can be found, children should be privi- 

^Penn., Letters to Wife and Children; Tracts on Moral and Religious 
subjects, pub. 1822, 6f. 
^Friends Library, V, 208. 
i^Minutes Philadelphia Mo. Mtg., 7 — 30 — 1779, 151. 



Educational Ideals of Quaker Leaders 



31 



legedto learn "French, High and Low Dutch, Danish, etc. "^^ 
This particular recommendation was made by the meeting 
because of a felt need.^^ jf then in case of a need for a par- 
ticular subject, they were willing to recommend that it be 
taught, can it be truly said that they opposed all education? 
It may be well to examine Barclay, since it is with him and 
his writings that Cox takes issue. In his Apology for Chris- 
tian Divinity Vindicated is to be found a very clear statement 
of his position on the subject, and he voices it as the principle 
of the whole society as well. He seems to be answering 
some critic, who has taken him to task for his educational 
views : 

He goes on after his usual manner saying, I inveigh against all human 
learning that has been made use of any ways in Theology; but where he 
finds this asserted I know not, whether the words he would declare it 
from, to wit: that man hath rendered the plain and naked truth 
obscure and mysterious by his wisdom, will bear such a consequence is 
left to the reader's judgment. But he thinks he has found out our 
secret design of being against learning and schools of learning, which is 
neither otu- affirmation nor our principle, but his own false supposition. 
We would, saith he, have all those banished, that we might more easily 
prevail with our errors. But methinks the man should be more wary 
in venting his own false imaginations, unless he would bring some ground 
for them ; for his assertion is so far untnie, that if he had been rightly 
informed, he might have known that we have set up schools of learning 
for teacl^i^g of the languages and other needful arts and sciences," and 
that we nev&r denied its usefulness; only we denied it be a qualification 
absolutely necessary for a minister, in which case alone we have opposed 
its necessity.!* 

Another character of very great importance in this connec- 
tion is Anthony Benezet. Born, 17 13, at St. Quentin in 
France, of "an ancient and respectable family" he ?pent his 
early years in France and then in Holland, whither his father 
had fled for refuge.^^ A few months were spent in Rotterdam 
and the family then moved to London where the father 
entered into the mercantile business and retrieved to some 
extent his fallen fortunes. This enabled him to give Anthony 



"Extracts London Yearly Meeting Minutes and Advices, pub. 1802, 
124. 
'^Necessary for use of missionaries in foreign fields. 
i^Schools established in England. 
"Barclay, Apology, 11. 
^^Vaux, Memoirs of Benezet, lo-ii. 



Barclay's 

position 

defined 



In his 
Apology 



Benezet's 
early life and 
education 



32 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Education 
a function of 
government, 
but often 
neglected as 
such ; hence 
individual 
effort 
necessary 



Children 
represent 
"capital"; 
they must 
be educated 



sufficient education to qualify him for that business, for 
which, however, he seemed to evince but little taste. Being 
of a very religious nature, he became a member of Friends at 
about fourteen years of age, and in that society found the 
field of his whole life's activity, which was chiefly educa- 
tional.^^ Considerable space will be devoted to his work in 
respect to the education of Negroes, so that will be entirely 
omitted in this place.^' He was a voltraiinous writer, pro- 
ducing chiefly tracts and letters, and a great majority of these 
have a definite educational bearing. Because of the great 
number of them it is impossible reaUy to do them justice, 
but an attempt will be made to state a few brief theses for 
which he unchangingly stands. 

First, education is a religious and social duty.^^ It is 
exceedingly interesting to notice that he looks upon education 
as in the first place a governmental function, if the govern- 
ments of this world were influenced by true wisdom, they would 
make the proper education of youth their first and special care;^^ 
but since governments have neglected to do this, it occurs to 
him that it is a service for which Quakers are remarkably well 
fitted. It is a service for which the wage is very small and 
which secures no return of special social favors for the laborer. 
But they, being a quiet people, not wishing to gain great 
wealth or to shine in social positions, can find their sphere of 
activity in the education of the youthful members of society. 

Second, a special care in the education of the poor is urged. ^^ 
This should become the duty and secure the interest of the 
well-to-do public spirited man, for if the upper class does not 
safeguard it, they cannot be educated. The poor child 
represents so much unimproved property, the owner being 
unable to improve it, which, if taken over by philanthropists, 
may become of some consequence to himself and perform 
great services for society at large. Such a movement would, 
besides being a great aid to the poor and uneducated, be also 
a worthy occupation for those who at present have nothing 



'"Vaux, Memoirs of Benezet, 13. 

^'Chapter on Negro Education, pp. 235f. 

'^Letter to Samuel Fothergill. Friends Library, IX, 220. 

^Hbid., 221. 

'-'Ilnd. 



Educational Ideals of Quaker Leaders 



33 



but time and money to spend. It would help them to realize 
that there is something real in the world, something greater 
than wealth and broader than religious denominations. The 
heart of Benezet Icnew no boimds; in his philanthropy he 
included all classes. 

Third, a definite stand is made for higher standards for 
teachers. 

I do not know how it is amongst you, but here any person of tolerable 
morals, who can read and write, is esteemed stifficiently qualified for a 
schoolmaster; when indeed, the best and wisest men are but sufficient 
for so weighty a charge.^^ 

He endeavors to show that the work of a teacher is pleasant 
and should interest a better class of masters than it has in the 
past. The experiences of Benezet in the school work were of 
most pleasant nature. Not only by his own statement, but 
judged also by the accounts given in his memoirs by Robert 
Vaux, it seems that he was tinusually kind and S3nnpathetic 
as a master, which won him. the greatest respect of his pupils.^^ 
The tasks of schoolteaching are only impleasant when being 
performed merely for the sake of the wage obtained. Those 
who attempt to teach large numbers for the sake of a large 
income find it disagreeable; they form the class of teachers 
against whom he would discriminate.^^ Add to these three 
principles, his great contribution toward the freedom and 
education of the Negroes, his long life of service, and we have 
all for which he lived. It is stated that he had no private 
life; at any rate it sinks into oblivion in comparison with 
his interest and active work in public philanthropies.^^ 

The educational influence of John Woolman in regard to 
Negro and Indian education will be mentioned in another 
chapter,^^ but concerning education generally he was equally 
outspoken, and being a member of some consequence he was 
able to make his influence felt. Like Benezet, he regarded 
education as a social duty, both to each individual and to the 
conmiunity of individuals. This duty could not be per- 



John Wool- 
man, his 
position in 
regard to 
education 



^^Vaux, Memoirs of Benezet, 15-16. 

^^ Friends Library, IX, 221. 

2*Vaux, Memoirs 10,=;. 

2^See chapter on negro education, pp.^o-jf- 



34 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



The responsi- 
bility of 
tutors and 
parents 



Tuke, White- 
head, Crouch 
as advocates 
of education 



formed by immoral tutors and schoolmasters, for the pupil 
could be made to rise no higher than the master; so the 
result would be an immoral society.^^ The responsibility, 
in the last analysis, for the right conduct of schools falls upon 
the parents. If they are indifferent, nothing can be accom- 
plished for the schools, for the whole community is no better 
or more insistent in its demands than the individuals con- 
stituting it. For this reason he urges individual philanthropy 
to come to the aid of the schools, which are badly neglected; 
those who possess wealth can do no better, for, as he says : 

Meditating on the situation of schools in our provinces, my mind hath, 
at times, been aflfected with sorrow, and under these exercises it hath 
appeared to me, what if those that have large estates were faithful 
stewards, and laid no rent or interest nor other demand, higher than is 
consistent with universal love; and those in lower circumstances would 
under a moderate employ, shun unnecessary expense, even to the 
smallest article; and all unite humbly in seeking the Lord, he wotild 
graciously instruct and strengthen us, to relieve the youth from various 
snares, in which many of them are entangled.^' 

If to this list of advocates of education, it is necessary to 
add others, mention should be made of Henry Tuke, George 
Whitehead, and William Crouch. In defending certain 
differences between the Quaker doctrine and that of other 
denominations, the former discusses this one, in not consider- 
ing human learning essential to a minister of the gospel.^^ The 
reasons adduced are chiefly biblical ; the knowledge of human 
literature is not recommended by the New Testament as 
being necessary for a minister, and this is considered con- 
clusive proof. Moreover, it is pointed out that Paul, though 
a well educated man, disclaimed the value of his education 
for that servdce, and wished alwa3^s to appear to the people 
as an unlettered man of God.-^ But Tuke goes on to explain 
that though it is not essential for a minister, learning is not 
unesteemed nor its usefulness slighted.^'' Members are 
desired to direct their attention to education, for a right use 
of it may promote religion and benefit civil society.^^ That 



^'Woolman's Works, 30S-6. 
"Tuke, Works, III, 95 ff. 
^"Corinthians, Chap. 2:1-5. 
'«Tuke, Works, III, 95 flf. 



'■'Ibid. 



Educational Ideals of Quaker Leaders 



35 



the use of Latin and Greek is not decried may be seen in the 
work of Penn and Whitehead, who were both scholars, and 
whose works are full of classical references and illustrations. 
In one instance their chief argument against swearing is 
produced from certain references to the works of Socrates 
and Xenocrates, pointing out that the Greeks were aware of 
a higher "righteousness excelling that of the legal Jews.^^ 
The same point of view with reference to a knowledge of the 
classics is taken by William Crouch, as is understood at once 
by this statement: 

They acknowledge the understanding of languages, especially of 
Hebrew, Greek and Latin, formerly was and still is very useful, yet they 
take them not therefore to be necessary to make a minister nor so 
profitable as that one unacquainted with them must be styled an idiot, 
illiterate and of no authority.^' 

Moreover, from various sources one is assured that a classi - 
cal education was not abhorred by the Quakers of Philadel- 
phia. The work offered in the classical school was for any 
one who had the ability to do it and its attainment was 
encouraged by Friends. The higher education was for girls 
as well as for boys, as we may judge from reading the journal 
kept by Sally Wister (or Wistar), a Quaker girl of the days 
of the Revolution. 3^ She attended the school kept by 
Anthony Benezet,* which was one of the highest class, moral 
and literary, and patronized by the best classes of the citizens. 
Extracts from her Journal indicate that her education had 
not been limited to the mere rudiments, but that she enjoyed 
also an elementary knowledge, at least, of Latin and French.^^ 
This sort of education was clearly not uncommon among 
Friends and it was not the object of opposition on their part. 
It must, however, be kept in mind that the Quakers never 
confused education necessarily with true Christianity.^^ 
Religion in this life and the salvation of one's soul in the next 
was a problem which concerned the poor as well as the rich, 
thetmtutored as well as the learned. How could the demands 



^^The Christian Quaker, i8i. 
^^Crouch, W., Collection of Papers of, 183. 
^^Wister, Sally, Journal, 13-14. 
*Established 1754 (M. P. C. S., I, 117.) 

^^Phipps, Original and Present State of Man, 90. 



The Latin 
School of 
Philadelphia 
exemplifies 
contention of 
those quoted 
the above 



36 



Early Quaker Edvication in Pennsylvania 



Education an 
asset; but 
apt to be 
perverted 



Scheme of 
education 
suggested by 
Thomas 
Budd 



Children 
to be in 
pubUc school 
seven years 
or more 

To receive 
instruction 
in the arts 
and sciences 
and to learn 
a trade 



be greater for one than the other; the same tests had to be 
met and passed by all, the educated one received no favors 
though more might be expected of him.^^ Education was 
looked upon as an asset which might be turned to great use 
for Christianity, but the lack of it was never a bar to Chris- 
tianity.^^ On the other hand, education might easily 
become, according to the Quakers' views, a definite hindrance 
to Christianity.^^ 

It would be quite improper in connection with this subject 
to fail to mention the scheme, Utopian in that day, which was 
conceived in the mind of Thomas Budd, for the development 
of a system of education for Pennsylvania and New Jersey. 
At the very outset it seems more comprehensive than any- 
thing suggested by any other leader, and in fact it embodied 
so much that it was quite beyond the limit of expectation for 
either of the colonies. Thomas Budd, though not at first a 
member of Friends, became convinced of the justice of their 
principles and joined the society before the year 1678.*° 
He was a man of affairs and became greatly interested in the 
colonization of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, whither he 
soon came as a colonist himself. At that time it was equally 
true, as at the present, that if a scheme or undertaking was to 
be put through, it must be made as attractive as possible to 
the prospector. The attempt to do this called forth a con- 
siderable exercise of individual initiative, and one result was 
the educational plan outlined by Thomas Budd and published 
in Philadelphia in 1685. The details of the scheme as out- 
lined are deemed of sufficient interest and importance to 
warrant their reproduction here. 

1. Now it might be well if a law were made by the Governors and 
General Assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, that all persons 
inhabiting the said provinces, do put their children seven years to the 
Public School, or longer, if the parent please. 

2. That schools be provided in all towns and cities, and persons of 
known honesty, skill and understanding be yearly chosen by the Gov- 
ernor and General Assembly, to teach and instruct boys and girls in all the 
most useful arts and sciences that they in their youthful capacities may 



^'Phipps, Original and Present State of Man, 65. 

'^Ibid., 90. 

^^Ibid. 

•""Budd, Good Order Established, p. 9. 



Educational Ideals of Quaker Leaders 



37 



be capable to understand, as the learning to read and write true English 
and Latin, and other useful speeches and languages, and fair writing, 
arithmetic and bookkeeping; the boys to be taught and instructed in 
some mystery or trade, as the making of mathematical instruments, 
joinery, turnery, the making of clocks and watches, weaving, shoemaking 
or any other useful trade or mystery that the school is capable of teach- 
ing; and the girls to be taught and instructed in spinning of flax and 
wool, and knitting of gloves and stockings, sewing, and making of all 
sorts of useful needlework, and the making of straw work, as hats, 
baskets, etc., or other useful art or mystery that the school is capable 
of teaching. 

3. That the scholars be kept in the morning two hours at reading, 
writing, bookkeeping, etc., and other two hours at work in that art, 
mystery or trade that he or she most delighteth in, and then let them 
have two hours to dine, and for recreation and in the afternoon two 
hours at reading, writing, etc., and the other two hours at work at their 
several employments. 

4. The seventh day of the week the scholars may come to school only 
in the forenoon, and at a certain hour in the afternoon let a meeting be 
kept by the schoolmasters and their scholars, where good instruction and 
admonition is given by the masters to the scholars and thanks returned 
to the Lord for his mercies and blessings that are daily received from 
him, then let a strict examination be made by the masters, of the con- 
versation of the scholars in the week past, and let reproof, admonition 
and correction be given to the offenders, according to the quantity and 
quality of their faults. 

5. Let the like meetings be kept by the school mistresses, and the 
girls apart from the boys. By strictly observing this good order our 
children will be hindered from running into that excess of riot and 
wickedness that youth is incident to, and they will be a comfort to their 
tender parents. 

6. Let one thousand acres of land be given and laid out in a good 
place, to every public school that shall be set up, and the rent or income 
of it to go towards the defraying of the charge of the school. 

7. And to the end that the children of the poor people, and the 
children of Indians may have the like good learning with the children 
of the rich people, let them be maintained free of charge to their parents, 
out of the profits of the school, arising by the work of the scholars, by 
which the poor and the Indians as well as the rich, will have their 
children taught, and the remainder of the profits, if any be to be dis- 
posed of in the building of the schoolhouses and improvements on the 
thousand acres of land, which belongs to the school.^' 

The author does not claim to be entirely original in his 
scheme, having been influenced, he says, by a similar thing 

"Budd, Good Order Established, p. 43 ff. 



Eight hours 
per day 
allotted to 
studies and 
chosen trade 

Regular 
school work 
five and one- 
half days 
per week; 
moral in- 
struction on 
Saturday 

Similar 
arrangement 
for girls 
educated 
separately 

Land 

endowment 
for schools 

Indians and 
the poor to 
be educated 
free of cost 



38 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



The indus- 
trial and 
commercial 
values to be 
derived are 
pointed out 



Scheme to be 
encouraged 
by the 
government 



Essential 
points urged 
in the 
scheme 



The lack of 
govern- 
mental sup- 
port; sup- 
plied through 
meetings of 
Quakers 



described by Andrew Yarenton in a book, England's Improve- 
ments by Sea and Land.^ His chief interest seems to be in 
the benefit to be derived for the commercial life of the 
colonies, and for that reason there is accordingly a great 
stress on the industrial education. By this introduction of 
the industrial schools, spinning for example, in the larger 
cities and the preparation of children at an early age for 
participation in that great occupation, the production of 
linen cloth could be made equal not only to the domestic 
demands but also a considerable margin for the foreign 
trade.^^ It is pointed out that the colonial consumer pays 
twice as much for his purchase as its cost of production in 
France or Germany, and that he pays this extra cost into the 
coffers of the English merchants. This profit should accrue 
to the home merchants. 

The educational and also the industrial scheme is to receive 
the backing of the colonial government. It is recommended 
that laws be passed for the encouragement of linen manufac- 
turers and that farmers "that keep a plow" should sow an 
acre of flax and two of hemp, with which to supply the manu- 
facturers.^ Educational support by the government was not 
secured, as is amply evidenced by the unsurpassed develop- 
ment of private and parochial schools of all denominations. 
The churches were the sponsors for education. It is worthy 
of note, however, that the elements emphasized by Budd, (i) 
education in the arts and sciences for all those capable of it, 
(2) industrial education for a trade for every one, (3) moral 
and religious training, and (4) equal educational opportuni 
ties for poor and rich or otherwise unfavored classes, are the 
same as those urged officially by the Quaken-.^ 

Far from receiving governmental support, it was necessary 
that the schools be supported by individual or small group 
enterprise. The society recognized this, and it is stated in 
the organization of the church that the duty of the monthly 
meeting is to provide for the subsistence of the poor and for 
their education}^ Furthermore it is recommended that all 



■•^Budd, Good Order Estahlishsd, p. 43ff. 
«/fcfd. "'Ibid. 

*^Ibid. Friends Library I, 435. 
^^Summary of Doctrines of Friends, 23-24. 



Educational Ideals of Quaker Leaders 



39 



special bequests of Friends be kept as a distinct fund for the 
purpose originally intended by the donor, and that if expended 
for any other purpose, it must be again made up by the 
quarterly meeting^^ One of the most frequent uses desig- 
nated, judging from the records, seems to have been the 
educational/^ 

The reader may have perused the foregoing pages with 
more or less interest; a curiosity may have been aroused 
concerning the present-day attitude of Friends, educationally. 
Have they experienced any considerable change? The insti- 
tutional evidences of their continued interest are familiar 
enough to the educationist. But what is the attitude within 
the schools: Is instruction stiff and more formal there than 
in the public schools, and what can be said of the progress 
among the teachers? To answer all of these questions and 
similar ones is not the purpose of this present work. And in 
the following excerpt, taken from an expression drawn up by 
a body of teachers, it is not hoped to find conclusive proof of 
this or that, but perhaps it may be taken as a fairly reliable 
indication of the present professional attitude. 

The teachers' subjects are not Mathematics, nor Latin, nor Scripture, 
nor Quakerism — they are boys and girls. The information imparted is, 
in a sense, a minor matter: the growth of the mind that assimilates 
it is all-important — growth in keenness, efficiency and power. . . 

To the Society at large we would put forward this view that the 
principles urged above are deserving of careful consideration in making 
any forward move. The quality of the teaching given in our schools is 
in a measure in the hands of Friends; they have raised admirable 
buildings in many places — these are a small matter compared with the 
character of the staff. The freedom of the teacher, which is in indis- 
pensable condition of excellence is a gift they can grant or withhold. 
And that we who are responsible for the term of school life may have 
the best chance and the best reward, we would press upon Friends the 
need of laying foundations and awakening interest in the days of child- 
hood, and of turning to best account the powers of those who go forth 
from our schools.^^ 



Have Quaker 
schools kept 
pace with 
the public? 



The pupil 
as an 

individual 
to be 
emphasized 



V/ell- 
equipped 
teachers 
needed ; 
and their 
academic 
freedom 
essential 



'"Friends Library, I, 135 ; Accounts of expenditures from the J. Walton 
Fund, II, p. I . (Richland Monthly Meeting.) 
*HUd. 
'■'^Religious Instructions in Our Schools. No. 9 of a vol. of pamphlets. 



40 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Summary 
of Cox's 
position 



Summary 
of points 
maintained 
by certain 
Quaker 
leaders 



SUMMARY 

This chapter treats of the attitude of Friends towards educa- 
tion. At the beginning there is presented a criticism of 
S. H. Cox, which is a concrete example of the type of criticism 
referred to in these pages. Following thi^ there are presented 
the educational views of several Friends, — Penn, Barclay, 
Benezet, Woolman, Whitehead, Crouch, Tuke, and Thomas 
Budd, in ordei- that the readei may judge of the truth or error 
presented in the criticism. The chief points made in Cox's 
criticism are: (i) hostility of the Quaker system to classical 
education, (2) general hostility of the Friends to colleges and 
seminaries of learning, and (3) that the "light within" was 
sufficient without any education. 

From the material next presented it is shown that: (i) Penn 
recommended both practical and higher education, (2) useful 
arts and sciences are recommended to be taught in public 
schools, (3) the classics were introduced as a part of the 
curriculum in the Penn Charter School, and also in other 
schools established by the society, (4) Barclay explains that 
the society holds a classical education not absolutely neces- 
sary for a minister, though it is useful, (5) the learning of 
languages is recommended by the London Yearly Meeting, 
(6) education is advocated by Benezet as a religious and 
social duty; the education of the poor and unfortunate 
classes and races is urged ; a higher education for school- 
masters is recommended, (7) Woolman urges the education 
of Negroes and Indians as a social duty; the responsibility 
is placed on the individual, (8) Crouch states that Hebrew, 
Greek, and Latin are recognized as useful and are not opposed 
when taught for that purpose, (9) Budd, one of the early 
Quakers in Pennsylvania, introduced a very comprehensive 
and Utopian scheme for (a) industrial education and (6) 
higher education, proposing to organize it under the control 
of the General Assembly, and (10) indications are that 
progress, within the teaching body in Friends' institutions, is 
quite comparable with that of other institutions, though there 
is no attempt to produce conclusive e\ddence either to that 
effect or the contrary. 



CHAPTER IV 



EDUCATION IN PHILADELPHIA* 



On ye 27th day of October, 1682, arrived before ye Towne of New 
Castle from England, William Penn, Esqe., whoo produced twoo deeds 
of feofment for this Towne and twelve myles about itt, and also for ye 
twoo lower counties, ye Whoorekills and St. Jones's — wherefore ye said 
William Penn received possession of ye Towne ye 28th of October, 1682.1 

It is probable that Penn reached Philadelphia in the latter 
days of October or the early part of November,^ though no 
student of Philadelphia history has yet been able to settle the 
question of the day absolutely. Tradition says he came up 
the river in an open boat and landed at the landing on Dock 
Street near the new tavern, the Blue Anchor, which had just 
been erected by George Guest, a Quaker.^ The formal cere- 
mony of transferring the territory which had been arranged 
between Penn and the Dtike of York before leaving England,^ 
was accomplished with the Duke's commissioners, Moll and 
Herman,^ and the official debut of Pennsylvania in colonial 
society was no longer a hope but a reality. 

The foundation of the colony's educational institutions 
had, however, not been delayed till the formalities of "mak- 
ing" a colony were over. Education received early consider- 



*In this chapter a chronological organization is followed. 

'Quoted from Watson, Annals, I, 15. (From New Castle Records.) 
(Proud's statement of the 24th is said by some to be a typographical 
error.) The writer has, however, examined Proud's MS. notes on the 
Rise and Progress of the City of Philadelphia in which he writes: "The 
Honorable Proprietary and Governor of Pennsylvania, William Penn, 
first arrived at New Castle, on Delaware, in October 24th, 1682." He 
also states "after the nth month (January) with the assistance of his 
surveyor general, Thomas Holmes, he first began to lay out the plan 
of the City of Philadelphia." (MS. No. 10, p. i.) (These two state- 
ments point the difference of opinion among scholars, which is still 
unsettled.) 

^Jenkins, Memorial Hist., I, 39. 

^Ibid. 

^Ihid., 30. 

UUd., 37. 

(41) 



The date 
of Penn's 
coming 
disputed 



42 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Education 
provided for 
in first 
Frame of 
Government 



The 
provisions 



At 



Quaker 
Council 
provides a 
school 



ation in the Frame of Government which was drawn up from 
England by Penn and agreed to on April 25, 1682, before 
he prepared to depart for Pennsylvania.^ In that document 
it is clearly set forth that education was the function of the 
civil authority, though the intentions of the author were not 
realized fully for more than a hundred and fifty years.' The 
same idea is present in each of the three Frames of Govern- 
ment which were drawn up; the first, April 25, 1682;^ the 
second, April 2, 1683;^ and the third, November 7, 1696,^'' 
under Governor Markham. The instrument drawn on 
April 2, 1683, contained in part the following stipulations, 
which bear the impression of the Quaker ideal of education. 

Tenth. That the Governor and the Provincial Council shall erect 
and order all public schools and encotu-age and reward the authors of 
useful sciences and laudable inventions in the said provinces and terri- 
tories thereof. 

Eleventh. That one- third of the Provincial Council residing with 
the Governor from time to time shall, with the Governor, have the care 
and management of public affairs relating to peace, justice, treasury and 
improvement of the province and territories, and to the good education 
of the youth, and sobriety of the manner of the inhabitants therein 
aforesaid." 

The plan for education as above set forth was not destined 
to be the one followed consistently for more than a century 
and a half of development, though throughout the first 
decades the relations between the schools of Friends and the 
governing Council were very close.^^ It is significant that the 
first school was actually ordered by the Council, in keeping 
with Penn's provisions. About one year after Penn's anival 
in Philadelphia the educational problem came to the atten- 
tion of the Council and received decided recognition, as the 
following witnesses: 

The Governor and Provincial Council having taken into their serious 
consideration the great necessity there is of a schoolmaster for the 
instruction and sober education of the youth in the town of Philadelphia, 



^Col. Rec, I, XXVI. 

'Pub. Sch. established by law, 1834. 

^Col. Rec, I, XXVI. 

^lUd., I, XXXVI. 

^HUd., LXVI. 

^Ubid., XXXVI. 

i^For example, E. Flower's School; Friends' petition. 



Education in Philadelphia 



43 



sent for Enock Flower, an inhabitant of said town, who for twenty years 
past has been exercised in that care and employment in England, to 
whom having communicated their minds, he embraced it upon the 
following terms : to learn to read English 4s by the quarter, to learn to 
read and write 6s by the quarter, to learn to read, write and cast accounts 
8s by the quarter ; for boarding a scholar, that is to say, diet, washing, 
lodging, and schooling, ten pounds for one whole year.^^ 

Thus the first impetus to education in Pennsylvania came 
through properly constituted governmental authority. The 
Council records show that the interest in educational affairs 
was maintained for some time. In the month following a 
law was proposed for making several sorts of books for the 
use of persons in the province, and also recommended that 
care be taken about "Learning and Instruction of youth, to 
witt:. a school in the arts and sciences."^* This interest in, 
and the close relation of the Council to, education were not 
long continued however; for this there is no satisfactory 
explanation, though it is very clear that the attitude on the 
part of the government did change. ^^ This change is evi- 
denced in the policy as outlined by the Charter of 1701, in 
which there is no reference made to education or the responsi- 
bility of the Governor or Council therefor. ^^ To the writer 
it seems that the withdrawal of the Council from any very 
active participation in the affairs of education may have been 
due to two reasons: first, the willingness evinced by private 
interests to establish schools and thus take over to them- 
selves the duties of educators (evidenced by the establishment 
of Keith's school by Friends in 1689 without the assistance 
or advice of the Council);^'' and second, the urgent details 
of establishing a new government, which occupied their first 
attention. 

If further proof of the withdrawal of the colonial govern- 
ment from the active establishment of schools, and of the fact 
that they did accept and recognize the assistance of private 
agencies is desired, it is to be found in various acts of legisla- 
tion of the first half century. Specific instances of such 



I'Co/. Rec, I, 36. 

^^lUd., I, 93. 

"See Charter of 1701, Col. Rec, II, 54. 

"G. S. P. P., II, 154 (Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5—26—1689.) 



Additional 
provisions 
or books 



Charter of 
I 701 does 
not n "er to 
education 
as did the 
former ones 



(^ 



44 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

permissive legislation were the acts of May 28, 1715,* and 
y also of February 6, 1730-i.t This legislation is chiefly 
concerned with granting privileges to purchase and hold land 
and erect buildings for the use of institutions stated therein, 
among which schools are mentioned. In this connection the 
statute of 1 7 15, which evidences the facts stated above, is 
quoted. 

Be it enacted by Charles Gookin, Esq., by the royal approbation 
Lieutenant-Governor, under William Penn, Esq., Proprietary and 
Governor-in-Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania, by and with the 
advice and consent of the freemen of the said provinces in General 
Assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that it shall and may 
be lawful to and for all religious societies or assemblies and congregations 
of Protestants, within this province, to purchase any lands or tenements 
for burying grounds, and for erecting houses of religious worship, schools 
and hospitals ; and by trustees, or otherwise, as they shall think fit, to 
receive and take grants or conveyances for the same, for any estate 
whatsoever, to and for the use or uses aforesaid, to be holden of the lord 
of the fee by the accustomed rents and services. And be it further 
enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all sales, gifts or grants made 
to any of the said societies, or to any person or persons in trust for them, 
or any of them, for or concerning any lands, tenements or hereditaments 
within this province, for and in any estate whatsoever, to and for the 
use and uses aforesaid, shall be and are by this Act ratified and confirmed 
according to the tenor and true meaning thereof, and of the parties 
concerned therein. And where any gifts, legacies or bequests have been 
or shall be made by any person or persons to the poor of any of the said 
respective religious societies, or to or for the use or service of any meeting 
or congregation of the said respective societies, the same gifts and 
bequests shall be employed only to those charitable uses, or to the use of 
those respective societies or meetings, or to the poor people to whom the 
same are or shall be given or intended to be given or granted, according 
to what may be collected to be the true intent and meaning of the 
respective donors or grantors. 

On "nth month, 9th, 1682," the Friends met and enacted 
business relating chiefly to the sick, a meeting house, pui chare 
meethigof ^^^ books and such other details of importance, but made no 
record reference to schools or the education of ^'outh.^^ This 

remained true for all meetings till 1689,^^ the chief pait of 



The first 



*Slal. at Large of Pa., Ill, 37-38. 

]Ibid., IV, 208-210. 

^UUd., I, 252. (Phila. Min.) 

'''When they established the school with Keith as teacher. 



Education in Philadelphia 



45 



business in the meantime havinp- to do with either (i) strictly 
religious affairs or (2) raising money for the poor and the 
orphans. The absence of any remarks or any plans for 
schools from 1682 to 1689 is more easily understood when it is 
recalled that the school under Enock Flower was set up in 
1683.2° There is no evidence to prove definitely that Flower 
continued as schoolmaster during the whole of this time, but 
(i) the absence of any record of change, (2) no record of 
schools kept by the Friends Meeting, (3) the fact that he was 
a teacher of long experience (twenty years) and probably as 
satisfactory as any to be found, and (4) the absence of keen 
competition on the part of neighboring places to draw him 
away, would lead one to believ^e it probable that he remained 
there for the greater part of the period at least. 

In 1689 Friend? determined to establish a school, designed 
to meet the demands of rich and of poor,^! which does not 
seem at all strange since they were known to have been sup- 
porting their poor and the orphans by subscriptions smce 
their first establishment. ^^ The transaction of the business 
relating thereto was performed in the monthly meeting and 
referred to the quarterly meeting (higher) for itv= approval. 
The following extract from the records of the meeting gives 
the result of their decision : 

Friends being to encourage a school in this town, and in order here- 
unto they have agreed with George Keith to assure him a certain salary 
of 50 pounds per year to be paid quarterly, with house rent, convenient 
for his family and school, with the profit of his school for one year, and 
for two years more to make his school worth to him 120 pounds per year, 
if he shall think fit to stay in this place, the said George also promiseth 
to teach the poor (which are not of ability to pay) for nothing. The 
abovesaid Keith having heard the proposals of Friends, readily assented 
and agreed thereto, his salary beginning from the time school begins. 
It is agreed that it be also mentioned to the next Quarterly Meeting for 
their concurrence with the same, as also agreed that Anthony Morris 
give notice to the several monthly meetings in this county.^' 

The nimiber of children who attended this school is not 
known, but it is clear that it grew rapidl}''. In January, 



The probable 
length of 
Flower's 
tenure as 
teacher 



Friends 
school set 
up under 
Geo. Keith 



^''Michener, Retrospect of Quakerism, 243. 

21G.S. P. P., II, 154 (Phila. Min.); Proud MS. No. 3, p. 115. 

^Ubid., I, 252. (Phila. Min.) 

23Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5—26—1689. 



46 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



A larger 

school 

needed 

Makin hired 
as usher 



Thomas 
Makin 
recom- 
mended by 
Keith to 
be master 

Makin 
chosen 



succeeding the first establishment, the new master complained 
of the "inconvenience and straitness" of his school and 
Anthony Morris and Samuel Carpenter were appointed to 
consult with Robert Turner for a more convenient situation. ^^ 
The first interpretation of "straitness" would undoubtedly 
be that it was crowded, and that might well have been true 
without there having been an increase in the size of the school; 
more conclusive proof of the rapid increase in numbers is to 
be found in the fact that Thomas Makin was hired as usher 
to assist Keith, 2^ probably about February, 1690.^^ A more 
convenient room for the school was arranged for with John 
Fuller at thirteen pounds per year, three pounds more than 
was paid for the first.^' 

In the 3rd month, 1691, Keith made known his intention of 
leaving the school,^^ whether because of dissatisfaction with the 
school itself or the beginning of the feeling against the Quak- 
ers which resulted in his rupture with them,^^ it is not known, 
and recommended to the meeting the appointment of his 
usher, Thomas Makin, to take his place.^° It was Keith's de- 
sire to leave on 4th month, loth and he may have discontinued 
teaching at that time, but it appears that his account against 
the meeting was not settled until the eleventh or the twelfth 
month, 1691.^^ According to his suggestion concerning 
Makin, the meeting appointed a committee to consult with 
him,^2 the outcome of which was a satisfactory agreement. 
It would appear from numerous references to the subject, that 
the matter of getting the subscriptions and keeping them 
paid was a chief source of trouble, which required their con- 
stant energies and attention.^^ In 1693 Thomas Makin 
brought in a bill against the meeting for £12/15/7, which was 
stiU owing for his services as usher in 1690.^* 



24Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1—28— 1690. 

'^^Ibid., 3 — 29 — 1691. 

^^Ibid., 2 — 26 — 1690. 

^Ubid. 

^^Ibid., 3 — 29 — 1691. 

^'Jenkins, Memorial Hist., I, 99. 

^oMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3— 29— 169 1. 

^'^Ibid., II — 29 — 1691. 

^Hbid. 

^^Ibid., 3 — 29 — 1691; 9 — 27 — 1691; II- 

^*Ibid., 4 — 30 — 1693. 



29 — 1691; 7 — 29 — 1692. 



Edttcation in Philadelphia 



47 



The last four years of the century saw greater strides made 
in the better estabHshment of education as a system. In 
1696 it was agreed that there should be established four 
meetings a year, the chief function of which was the religious 
education of the youth in the principles of Friends.^^ Steps 
were shortly taken for the establishment of the so-called 
' ' free school. ' ' Penn had written to Thomas Lloyd, President 
of the Council, in 1689, advising that a grammar school be 
set up (that of George Keith)^^ and it was this same school 
which in 1697 the meeting desired to make a "free school." 
On loth month, 31st, 1697: 

A paper for the encouragement of a free school was this day read, 
whereupon Samuel Carpenter and James Fox are desired to treat with 
Daniel Pastorius and Thomas Makin concerning the same, and — they 
desire the Friends of the town to meet together this day week, about the 
ist hour at this meeting house to consider further of it, and that Daniel 
Pastorius and Thomas Makin be present.^^ 

In the month following (nth month) Samuel Carpenter 
reported to the assembly that the committee had met with 
Daniel Pastorius and Thomas Makin and agreed to pay each 
of them forty pounds per year for keeping school.^^ The 
means of support was the familiar subscription blank, 
Samuel Carpenter and James Fox being the first appointed to 
take them. School was to begin the first of the following 
month, in the room over the meeting house, which had been 
prepared for that purpose.^^ In the 12th month a petition 
was sent to the Governor and Council, requesting the ordain- 
ing and establishment of the "Public School." The text of 
the petition is as follows: 

The humble petition of Samuel Carpenter ... in behalf of 
themselves and the rest of the people called Quakers, who are members 
of the Monthly Meeting, . . . showeth that it has been and is 
much desired by many that a school be set up and upheld in this town 
of Philadelphia, where poor children may be freely maintained, taught 



='5Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 8 — 30 — 1696; 7 — 25 — 1696. 

^^Janney, Life of Penn, 347; Clarkson's Penn, II, 53; although 
biographers and historians mention this letter written to Lloyd, no 
student has yet been able to produce it or tell where it is. It is hoped 
that their search will be rewarded. 

"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 10 — 31 — 1697. 

^^Ihid., II — 28 — 1697. 



Penn said to 
have written 
letter to 
Lloyd about 
the school 



Pastorius 
and Makin 
in the school 



Petition to 
Council to 
incorporate 
the school 



48 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

and educated in good literattare, until they are fit to be put out as appren- 
tices, or capable to be masters or ushers in the same schools. And 
forasmuch as in the laws and constitution of this government it is 
provided and enacted that the Governor and Council shall erect .... 
public schools .... reward the authors of useful sciences and 
laudable inventions .... therefore, may it please the Governor 
and Council to ordain and establish that in the said town of Philadelphia 
a public school may be founded, where all children and servants, male 
and female, whose parents, guardians and masters be willing to subject 
them to the rules and orders of the said schools, shall from time to time 
with the approbation of the overseers thereof for the time being, be 
received and admitted, taught and instructed; the rich at reasonable 
rates, and the poor to be maintained and schooled for nothing. And to 
that end a meet and convenient house or houses, buildings and rooms 
may be erected for the keeping of the said school, and for the entertain- 
ment and abode of such and so many masters, ushers, mistresses and 
poor children, as by orders of said meeting shall be limited and appointed 
from time to time. And also that the members of the aforesaid Meet- 
ings .... make choice and admit such and so many persons as 
they think fit, to be masters, overseers, ushers, mistresses and poor 
children of the said school, and the same persons .... to remove or 
displace as often .... as they shall see fit. And that the over- 
seers and the school aforesaid, may .... be .... in name and 
deed, a body politic and corporate, to have continuance forever by the 
name of the Overseers of the Public School founded in Philadelphia at 
the request of the people of God called Quakers. And that they, the 
said overseers, may have perfect succession, and by that name they and 
their successors may hold and enjoy, all lands, tenements and chattels, 
and receive and take all gifts and legacies as shall be given, granted or 
devised for the use and maintenance of the said school and poor scholars, 
without any further or other license or authority from this Government 
in that behalf; saving unto the chief Proprietary his quitrents of the 
said lands. And that the said overseers by the same name shall and 
may, with consent of said meeting, have power and capacitj' to devise 
and grant by writmg, under their hand and seal and of said lands and 
tenements and to take and purchase any other lands .... for 
. . . . advantage of said school. And to prescribe such rules and 
ordinance for the good order and government of the same school .... 
successively, and for their and every of their stipends and allowances, 
as to members of the said Meeting for the time being .... shall 
seem meet; with power also to sue and to be sued, and to do and per- 
form and execute all and every other lawful act and thing, good and 
profitable for the said school, in as full and ample manner, as any other 
body politic or corporate more perfectlj'' founded or incorporated, may 
do." 



^»Cr)/. Rec, I, 499. 



Education in Philadelphia 



49 



This request was immediately granted by the Council/^ 
and the school thus incorporated in 1697.^ In 170 1 Penn 
confirmed its incorporation by the following charter: 

William Penn True and absolute Proprietary and Governor in Chief 
of the Province of Pennsylvania and territories thereunto belonging. 
To all to whom these presents shall come sendeth greeting. Whereas 
Charles the Second, late King of England by his letters patents bearing 
date the fourth day of March in the three and thirtieth year of his reign 
did grant unto me my heirs and assigns the said Province And Absolute 
Proprietary thereof with full power to me by the assent of the freemen 
there to make laws for the good and happy government of the same with 
divers other powers preheminsures jtu-isdictions, privileges and immuni- 
ties therein specified. And Whereas I with a great colony of the People 
of God called Quakers for the free enjoyment of liberty of our con- 
sciences in matters of religion as of other privileges and advantages in the 
said patent granted as well to me the said Proprietary and Governor as 
also to the said people did transport ourselves unto the said Province and 
at our own risk costs pains and charges settled and planted the same the 
soil also of the said Province being first by me purchased of the Indian 
Natives. And forasmuch as by the laws of the said Province since 
enacted the Governor and Council have power to erect and order all 
public schools of literature and science And Whereas Samuel Carpenter 
— Edward Shippen — Anthony Morris — James Fox — David Lloyd — 
William Southby and John Jones in behalf of themselves and the rest of 
the said people called Quakers Members of their Monthly Meeting at 
Philadelphia in the said Province by their petition to the Governor and 
Council of the said Province and territories at Philadelphia the tenth 
day of the twelfth month Anno Domini one thousand six hundred ninety 
seven (eight) set forth that it was the desire of many that a school should 
be set up and upheld in the said town of Philadelphia where poor children 
might be freely maintained taught and educated in good literature until 
they should be fit to be put apprentices or capable to be masters or 
Ushers in the said school requesting the Governor and Council in the said 
petition to ordain that at the said town of Philadelphia a Public School 
might be founded where all children male and female whose parents 
guardians or masters might be willing to subject them to the rules and 
orders of the school should from time to time with the approbation of 
the overseers thereof for the time being be received or admitted taught 
and instructed the rich at reasonable rates and the poor to be main- 
tained and schooled for nothing. And that to that end a meet and 
convenient house or houses buildings or rooms might be erected for the 
keeping of the said school and for the entertainment and abode of such 
and so many Masters Ushers Mistresses and poor children as by the 



The petition 
granted and 
charter 
issued by 
Penn in 1701 



^'^Col. Rec, I, 499. 

^Ibid.; Janney, Life of Penn, 347. 



50 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

order and direction of the said Monthly Meeting should be free from 
time to time limited and appointed and also that the members of the 
aforesaid meeting for the time being might at their respective monthly 
meeting from time to time make choice of and admit such and so many 
persons as they should think fit to be Overseers Masters Ushers Mis- 
tresses and poor children of the said school and the same person or any 
of them to remove and displace as often as the said meeting shall see 
occasion, and that the overseers and school aforesaid might forever 
thereafter stand and be established and founded in name and in deed 
a body politic and corporate to have continuance forever by the name 
of the Overseers of the Public School grounded in Philadelphia at the 
request cost and charges of the people of God called Quakers. And that 
the said Overseers might have perpetual succession, and by that name 
they and their successors forever, have hold and enjoy all the lands 
tenements and chattels and receive and take all gifts and legacies that 
should be given granted or devised for the use and maintenance of said 
schools and poor scholars without further or other license or authority 
from the government on that behalf. Saving unto the Chief Proprietary 
his quit rents out of the said lands and that the said Overseers by the 
same name might with consent of the said Meeting have power and 
capacity to demise and grant by writing under their hand and common 
seal any of the said lands and tenements and to take and purchase any 
other lands and tenements and hereditaments for the best advantage of 
the said schools and to prescribe such rules and ordinances for the good 
order and government of the said school and of the masters ushers mis- 
tresses and poor children successively and for their and every of their 
stipends and allowances as to them members of the said monthly meet- 
ing for the time or the major part of them should seem meet, with power 
also to sue and be used and to do perform and execute all and every other 
lawful act and thing good and profitable for the said school in as full and 
ample manner as any other body politic and corporate more perfectly 
founded and incorporated might do and by the said petition which I 
have seen may more fully appear whereupon my then heutenant 
Governor and Council did grant and order that the said schools should 
be founded and erected with the incorporation privileges and powers as 
desired Now forasmuch as those of the said petitioners that are living 
have made fresh application to me in Council for confirming the said 
lieutenant Governor and Councils order and grant upon the said petition 
which being well weighed and considered by me I greatly favor the good 
inclinations and just and laudable desires and conscientious regards of 
the said petitioners and people for the education instruction and litera- 
ture of their children and posterity and more especially their care and 
concerns for the poor on that behalf. 

Therefore Know Ye that pursuant to the powers to me granted as 
aforesaid and to the laws of the said Province already enacted I have 
(by and with the consent of my Provincial Council) granted and con- 
firmed all and every request matter and thing . . . contained in 



Education in Philadelphia 51 

the said petition and do b^'- these presents for me my heirs and assigns 
grant ordain and estabhsh that the said Public School shall be erected 
and founded, and I do grant, ordain and found the same to be kept 
forever hereafter in the said town of Philadelphia or in some convenient 
place adjacent as the overseers of the said school for the time being shall 
see meet and I do likewise grant and ordain that in the said school all 
children and servants as in the school petition requested shall from time 
to time (with approbation of the said Overseers) be received admitted 
taught and instructed as in the same petition is mentioned and desired 
and to the end that all meet and convenient houses, rooms, chambers and 
buildings may be erected for keeping of the said schools and entertain- 
ment of the masters ushers mistresses and poor children to be therein 
admitted as hereinafter mentioned. I do by these presents for me my 
heirs and successors grant and ordain that from the day of the date of 
these presents for-ever hereafter the members of the Monthly Meeting 
of the said People called Quakers in the town of Philadelphia for the time 
being shall have full and absolute power and authority and the same 
power is hereby given unto them in their respective monthly meetings 
from time to time to make choice of and admit such and so many persons 
as they shall think fit to be Overseers Masters Ushers Mistresses and 
poor children of the said school and the same persons or any of them to 
remove and displace as often as the said Meeting shall see occasion and 
likewise that the said Overseers shall have like powers and authority 
(with the direction and consent of the said Meeting) from time to time 
to frame and erect or cause or procure to be framed and erected such and 
so many houses and buildings as they shall see meet for the use and 
service of the said schools. And moreover I do by these presents for me 
my heirs and successors grant and ordain that the overseers and schools 
aforesaid shall forever hereafter stand and be established and founded 
and are hereby founded erected and established in name and in deed a 
body politic and corporate to continue forever by the name of The 
Overseers of the Public School founded in Philadelphia at the request 
cost and charges of the People of God called Quakers. And also that 
they the said overseers shall have perpetual succession and by the said 
name they and their successors shall forever have hold and enjoy (to the 
use of the said school) all the messuages lands tenements heredita- 
ments goods and chattels and receive and take all gifts and legacies 
already given granted and devised or that shall be hereafter given 
granted or devised to the use and maintenance of the said school and 
masters ushers mistresses and poor scholars thereof without further or 
other leave license authority or power whatsoever from me my heirs or 
successors or from this government or any therein on that behalf saving 
unto me my heirs and successors the respective quit rents and other 
duties and payments out of the said messuages lands tenements and 
hereditaments and every of them reserved and payable in and by their 
several original grants and patents and furthermore I do by these 
presents for me my heirs and successors give and grant unto the said 



52 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Overseers by the name aforesaid full power license and authority to give 
grant bargain sell alien enfeoff or demise with the consent of the said 
meeting by writing under their hands and common seal (or the hands 
and said seal of so many of them as shall make a quorum) to such person 
or persons his or her heirs or their heirs executors administrators and 
assigns as shall be willing to purchase or rent the same all or any of the 
aforesaid messuages lands tenements and hereditaments goods and 
chattels and likewise to purchase receive and enjoy all or any other 
messuages houses lands tenements and hereditaments for the best 
advantage of the said school. And also to frame make and prescribe 
such rules orders and ordinances for the good order and government 
of the said school and of the masters ushers mistresses and poor children 
thereof successively and for their and every of their stipends salaries 
and allowances as to the members of the said Monthly Meeting for the 
time being or the major part of them (in their respective meetings) shall 
seem meet with power also to the said overseers by the name aforesaid 
to sue and be sued and to do perform and execute and suffer to be done 
all and every other lawful act and thing good and profitable for the said 
school in as full and ample manner as any other body politic or corporate 
more perfectly founded and incorporated may and can do. And I do 
for me my heirs and assigns ordain and grant that the said school and 
the masters ushers members officers and scholars and all other persons 
placed or to be placed in the said school shall forever hereafter be 
accepted and freed from all visitation punishment and connection to be 
had used or exercised by any person or persons whatsoever other than 
the said Overseers for the time being and their successors In Witness 
whereof I have hereunto set my hand cause the Great Seal to be affixed 
dated at Philadelphia the five and twentieth day of the eighth month in 
the thirteenth year of the reign of William the third over England etc. 
King etc. and the one and twentieth of my government Anno Domino 
one thousand seven hundred and one 1701. Recorded the 5th loth 
1701.*' 

Wm. Penn. 
For Aaron K. Dtjnkel, 

Sec'y of Internal Affairs, 

W. B. HtlSTON. 



Rechartered 
in 1708, and 
171 1, extend- 
ed privileges 



The charter of 170 1 was confirmed and enlarged by another 
of 1708,^ according to which the corporation was to consist 
of fifteen persons (Quakers) by the name of "The Overseers 
of the PubHc School, founded in Philadelphia, at the request 
of, cost and charges of the people called Quakers." The 



■"William Penn's Charters for the Public School, pp. 1-8. 
(A certified copy from charter in Patent Book two (2) page 202, in 
dept. of internal affairs, Pa.) 
**Ibid., pp. 1 1 -1 9. 



Education in Philadelphia 



S3 



charter of 1711^^ contained extended privileges* and also 
provided that the election of new members of the board of 
overseers should be the right of the overseers themselves, 
thus constituting them a self-perpetuating corporation/^ 
From this the reader might expect that the school at once 
became independent of the Friendp' meeting, but this did not 
occur, since the original members or overseers were Friends 
and continued to appoint Friends as their successors. Reports 
on the various details of the business of the school continued 
to come into the monthly meeting, but it is not to be con- 
sidered that we find there a complete story of its existence.^' 
In 1699 it was found that the affairs of the school took too 
much time in meeting and therefore it was decided that 
Friends in the care of schools and press should meet on sixth 
day before monthly meeting, transact their business and keep 
a record thereof in books provided for the purpose.^* 

The affairs of the school continued much the same as 
though no charter had been requested or granted. The 
records lead one to think that the growth was very rapid. 
Pastorius and Makin had become the masters in 1697 and by 
1699 the indications are that "mistresses" were also employed, 



(See 



^^William Penn's Charters for the PubHc School, pp. 21-31. 
also Robert Proud's MS. papers, No. 175, p. 57.) 

*In 1757 more extended privileges were desired and the following 
petition was sent to the Representative Assembly: 

To the Rep. Assembly. 

That some doubts having arisen whether from the terms of our 
charter we are authorized to apply any part of the estate under our 
care to these purposes, out of the limits of the city and county of 
Philadelphia. 

We therefore are inclined to apply for your assistance in furthering a 
design of such public utility and request you to permit us to bring in a 
Bill for the confirmation of our present charter and enlarging the powers 
thereby given us, by extending them as far as to authorize our applying 
a part of the estate under our care towards erecting and maintaining 
schools on the same foundation in other parts of this province. 

(P. C. S. M., I, 185) 

^^Ihid., 2gi; Janney, Life of Penn, 348. 

*^There are, no doubt, records at 304 Arch Street, which would be of 
great importance for a detailed history of the schools; permission to 
search for such records was refused at the time of this compilation. 
The minutes of the overseers of the P. C. S. offer a considerable amount 
of material history in some respects. 

*^These are the records referred to in (47). 



Made a self 
perpetuating 
corporation 



54 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Mistresses 
employed in 
schools 



Cadwalader 
to fill 
vacancy 
made by 
Pastorius' 
leavine 



money being turned over to Anthony Morris to "pay the 
schoolmasters' and the mistresses' salaries."*^ This is the 
first mention made of women as teachers. Pastorius having 
severed his connections with the school in 1701 steps were 
taken to fill the vacancy, it being decided that the newcomer 
should show his ability by competing with the one remaining 
master, Thomas Makin.^° 

Griffith Owen . . . recommended John Cadwalader as a person 
very fit for an assistant in the school, and it being proposed a good 
method for the better improvement of the scholars that they be equally 
divided between them for trial to see which of them best discharged their 
duty, there having been great complaint of former neglect. The meet- 
ing approves thereof and desires the said Griffith to acquaint John 
Cadwalader thereof, and that he may have twenty pounds for a half year 
for a trial, as the former master had, and Anthony Morris is desired to 
show Thomas Makin this minute for his information in the matter. ^1 



Makin plans 
to leave 
school 



Cadwalader 

becomes 

headmaster 



MASTERS AND MISTRESSES FROM 170O TO 180O 

Nothing like a complete or connected story can be given 
with reference to the masters and mistresses of this period, 
due to a lack of adequate available records. In August, 1 701 , 
Thomas lyiakin announced his intention of leaving the school 
and requested that his accounts be settled.^^ John Cad- 
walader, who had been his assistant since 1700, was inter- 
viewed as to his ability to undertake the headship of the 
school; intimating if he thought himself fit, he would be 
further considered. ^^ There is no direct record of how Mr. 
Cadwalader rated himself as teacher, but he was continued 
in the capacity of master. He found the limited salary^* 
almost too small for the support of his family and upon his 
requeft it was soon raised to fifty pounds per year.^^ At the 
same time the salary of a mistress, Olive Songhurst, whom 
we meet for the first time and with scant introduction, was 
increased five or ten pounds. The prospect of a higher salary 



^^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 31 — 1699; 5 — 26 — 1700. 

^"'Makin became principal in the school when Pastorius left in 1700. 

"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 29 — 1700. 

^'^Ihid., 8— 31— 1701. 

^UUd. 

^"•Forty pounds a year. 

^^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 27 — 1702. 



Education in Philadelphia 



55 



does not appear to have attracted him much for we learn of 
his intended separation from the school in May, 1702. It 
is not clear that he did actually sever his connection therewith 
at that time, for in June, 1703, it was desired that John 
Cadwalader, schoolmaster, be paid ten pounds that was left 
by Robert Jones for the use of the Public School. ^^ This sum 
may have been for other services such as copying, which he 
frequently performed," but it is more probable that he was 
convinced of the advantages of remaining at a salary of fifty 
pounds per year, with the additional sums paid for the copy- 
ing work.^^ 

John Every's connection with the school as usher is first 
announced in April, 1702, when he made demands for an 
increase of salary to thirty pounds, which was agreed to.^^ 
He remained there nearly two years and then departed, mak- 
ing a place for Thomas Makin, who returned at his request, 
agreeing to accept the salary previously paid to Every. 
These two masters, Makin and Cadwalader, appear to have 
been employed continuously until 1706, when they decided 
the school could not furnish a competent living for both of 
them and Cadwalader accordingly left.®" There were further 
suggestions considered at that time and Friends appointed to 
endeavor to secure a qualified master from England. So far 
as the meeting's minutes record, it seems that Thomas Makin 
was the only master employed from 1706 to 1708, when it 
was suggested that Jacob Naylor be employed as a teacher.®^ 

The duties of the schoolmasters were by no means limited 
to the routine of the schoolroom. They were required to be 
careful of their several scholars and often had to do police 
duty among them during the meetings on first day.®^ The 
master's only hope for any respite from the imposition of such 
duties was to stand firmly for his rights, else he might have 
been given charge of aU the children in the meeting. John 
Walby, a master, when asked to perform a similar service. 



s^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg,. 6 — 27 — 1703. 

^Ubid., 9 — 26 — 1703. 

^Ubid., 4 — 26 — 1702. 

^Ubid. 

^'>Ibid., I — 29 — 1706. 

6i/6irf., 9—26—1708. 

^^Ibid., 3 — 27 — 1709; I — 26 — 1725. 



Salaries 
increased 



John Every, 
usher 



Makin 
returns 



Jacob Naylor 
suggested 
for teacher 



Extra school 
room duties 



S6 



Early Quaker . Education in Pennsylvania 



William 
Robbins 



Richard 
Warden 



Thomas 
Makin 



Richard 
Brockden 



made answer that "he wotild take care of his own scholars, 
but did not care to undertake any further. "^^ His objection 
was sustained and another Friend endeavored to perform 
the task. 

In 171 1 William Robbins** came to wield the rod in 
Friends School, having requested permission to keep school 
in a part of the Friends' schoolhouse, which was "granted for 
the present."^* It cannot be determined how long he re- 
mained in that capacity, but the following year it was pro- 
posed that Richard Warden be allowed to teach school in one 
end of the schoolhouse, and it is quite probable that he filled 
the place of Robbins.^^ On the other hand, if Robbins did 
leave at that time he had returned again to the school in 
1715.^^ Thomas Makin had in the meantime severed his 
connection with the school, but not permanently. Seven 
years after the emplo3mient of Richard Warden (17 19) a 
vacancy occurred and a committee wav° appointed to visit 
the overseers requesting them to take action regarding the 
vacancy.®' From this it may be judged that the overseers 
were at times remiss in their attention to their trust. The 
overseers were set in action, and Thomas Makin was secured 
to fill the place, provided he would agree to teach six children 
of the poor and give up the house when Friends ordered him 
to do so.®^ He doubtless filled a minor position at this time, 
though he was offered a better one, later in 1722, provided 
Richard Brockden were willing to leave it, which does not 
appear to have met with the said Brockden 's approval.®^ 
Of Richard Brockden little is known, save that he had been 
schoolmaster at Byberry about 17 10 or 1711.^'' In 1724 
William Robbinsf mentioned above as a teacher some years 



63Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3—29—1730. 

**The minutes of the overseers, 12 — 8 — 1712, make known hat 
Robbins was teaching at that time, I, 3. 

^'^Ibid., 3 — 27 — 171 1. 

^^Ihid., 2 — 25 — 1 712. 

^Hhid., 8— 28— 171 5. 

^''Ibid., II — 29 — 1719; the vacancy was made by the departure of 
William Robbins out of the Province (P. C. S. M., I, 5.) 

^^Ibid., 5 — 29 — 1720. ^^Ihid., 2 — 27 — 1722. 

^"Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 4 — 25 — 171 1. 

fRobbins was put in charge of the school at this time, on the initiative 
of the monthly meeting, as the overseers recognize in their minutes of 
4 — 3 — 1725, 42; they acquiesced therein. (P. C. S. M., I, 11.) 



Education in Philadelphia 



57 



earlier, applied for a place as master. It was agreed that he 
be allowed to teach on the condition that he would agree to 
teach at least four children for the use of the house, if ordered 
to do so.''^ 

It is quite probable that for most of the ten years preceding 
1730 the school was under the charge of three or four masters 
just mentioned, Robbins, Brockden, Makin and Warden. 
They shifted quite often, that is certain. In 1730 mention 
is made of a John Walby as master; but no further account 
of him is given.''^ Thomas Makin's career as teacher very 
likely came to an end in that period, as he was getting aged, 
though he may have taught up to the time of his death. An 
account of his death is given in the Weekly Mercury of 1733.''^ 

From 1730 there is only an occasional mention made of the 
masters employed at the public school, until we come to the 
period about 1770 when the names were occasionally given 
in committee reports on the condition of the schools. How- 
ever, with the fourth decade came a period of real greatness, 
for in i742t began the services of Anthony Benezet, of whom 
considerable mention is made elsewhere, who continued in 
the public school till 1782.''* He had throughout his life been 
interested in the Negroes and for several years previous had 
cherished a desire to work in their schools. His request, in 
that regard, was accordingly granted in 1782, after John 
Houghton relinquished that position.^^ He continued to 
teach the Negro school, until the time of his death two years 
later.^^ In 1748 Robert Wihian came from England for the 
ptupose of keeping Friends school, and was accordingly 
accepted into their m.eeting, having produced the customary 
certificate from his home meeting at Scarborough in York- 



J. Walby 



Death of 
T. Makin 



Anthony 
Benezet 
employed 
1742 



Robert 
Willian 
master 
in 1748 



7iMin. Phila., Mo. Mtg., 2 — 24 — 1724. 

''^Ibid., 3 — 29 — 1730. Walby was engaged by the overseers in 1730 
to teach (3 — 29 — 1730) the three r's and to "well instruct" four children 
for the use of the schoolhouse. (P. C. S. M., I, 14). 

''^Am. Wek. Mer., Nov. 29 — 1733; Rec. Births and Burials, Phila., 
Mtg., A, 321. 

fBenezet was employed in 1742 to teach arithmetic, writing, accounts, 
and French and to teach 15 poor children. (P. C. S. M., I, 33.) 

^^Simpson, Lives of — , 52; Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5 — 31 — 1782, 28. 

'^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5— 31— 1782, 28. 

'^Simpson, Lives of — , 52. 



58 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Ann 

Brientnall 
establishes 
small school 



Schools 
reported 
in 1779 



shire.''^ The next mention of a new master in the ranks is 
concerned with Josai, who married in 1763/'^ Encourage- 
ment was at all times given to women as teachers, mention 
having already been made to their employment as early as 
1699.''^ In 1764: 

The meeting being informed that Ann Brientnall is desirous of keeping 
a small school for the instruction of Friends children only in reading and 
sewing and not being at present able to hire a place suitable for the 
purpose, requests the use of a vacant lower room in one of the alms- 
houses, and Friends approving her proposal, it is agreed that she may- 
make use of one of these rooms for that purpose until she can accommo- 
date herself elsewhere, or it may be wanted (for other purposes).*" 

The recommendations of the Yearly Meeting of Philadel- 
phia in 1778,*^ produced a very beneficial effect upon the 
school affairs in all of its monthly meetings. Thereafter, 
reports were sent in, bad, good and indifferent, which were 
much superior to anything that had been done previously, 
though they were still too infrequent and abbreviated in 
regard to information contained. A digest of the report of 
1779 follows, which shows the number of teachers in the 
several schools at that time:^^ 

1. The Grammar School was presided over by John 
Thompson who alpo taught writing and arithmetic. 

2. John Todd taught reading, English, writing, arithme- 
tic and some branches of mathematics. 

3. Another master was Joseph Yerkes, who taught the 
same branches as Todd. 

4. George Smith taught reading, writing and arithmetic 
to the children of Friends and others. 

5. Anthony Benezet at this time was employed in teach- 
ing the Girls' School in which were received also the children 
of other denominations besides Friends. 



"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 6 — 26 — 1748, 64. It appears that John 
Fothergill and John Hunt in London had signed a contract with Willian 
teaching in the school, on behalf of John Kinsey and Israel Pemberton 
in Philadelphia. He was to be employed one year at 150 pounds (Pa. 
currency) and the expense of his journey to the city. He was to teach 
Latin and Greek and "other parts of learning." (P. C. S. M., I, 64). 

-'Hbid., II— 25— 1763, 188. 

'"See page 54. 

80Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5—25—1764, 234. 

"Min. Phila. Yearly Mtg., 10 — 1778, 408 ff. 

82Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7—30 — 1779, I5i- 



Education in Philadelphia 



59 



6. Sarah Lancaster taught the younger children of both 
sexes the rudiments of learning, and other branches suitable 
to girls. 

7. Rebecca Jones and Hannah Cathrall taught together 
in the same school, which was for girls, a large number of 
them poor. 

8. A school for younger boys and girls of various societies 
was taught in Pine Street by Essex Flcwer. 

9. Spelling and reading were taught the younger children 
by Ann Rakestraw. 

It appears from the meeting's records that these masters 
and mistresses were all Friends, and that the schools which 
they taught were under the direction of the overseers of the 
public school.^ Five years later another report was pre- 
pared and presented on the state of schools. At the later 
date several new names are found among the teachers.^ 

1. The Latin and Greek Grammar School is under the 
direction of Robert Proud, the historian. f 

2. John Todd still continues in his old place. 

3. Isaac Weaver teaches boys reading, writing, and 
arithmetic. 

4. Sarah Lancaster continues in her old position as 
teacher of young children. 

5. William Brown, engaged in teaching a girls' school. 

The five schools above mentioned were under the direction 
of the school corporation of overseers, and poor children were 
taught there free of expense. The committee also reported 
on five other schools, whose masters and mistresses were 
either Friends or made the professions of that religious 
society. ^^ 



*'Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7 — ^30 — 1779, 151. 
^Ibid., I — 30 — 1784, 123 ff. 

fOur attention is first called to Robert Proud in 1759, when Israel 
Pemberton made known to the Board that he had received a letter from 
J. Fothergill of London recommending him (Proud) as "a person well 
qualified to instruct our youth in divers branches of learning." A num- 
ber were named to speak with him, saying they were unanimously agreed 
to employ him. Proud was thus employed till 1770 when he resigned. 
(P. C. S. M., I, 334, and I, 175). 

^Ibid. 



Schools and 
teachers 
reported in 
1784 



6o 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Other 

schools 

reported 



Richard 
Hartshome 
superintend- 
ent of the 
new school 
established 
at Westtown 



1. Mary Harry, teaching in Charters Alley. 

2. Joseph Clarke, teaching in the girls school. 

3. Mrs. Clarke (wife of Joseph). 

4. Ann Marsh, teaching about fifty girls. 

5. Mary McDonnell, teaching fifteen children. 

This report of 1784 is the best during the century which 
gives a clew to the members in the teachers' ranks. The 
growth from a school employing one teacher to a system 
employing ten does not seem great when measured by our 
present standards of increase, but for that century it is 
,significant of rapid growth. Many of the teachers were 
people of no great importance, whose names were probably 
never known outside of Quaker circles; others weie dis- 
tinctly well known. In 1799 we find one other Quaker 
schoolmaster mentioned, Richard Hartshome. The idea of a 
boarding school for Friends' children had received quite an 
impetus about 1791, due largely to the interest and influence 
of Owen Biddle,^^ and by 1799 the school was ready to begin 
operations. ^^ Richard Hartshome was chosen to serve as its 
first superintendent and with the permission of the Monthly 
Meeting of Philadelphia mov^ed to Westtown in 1799.^^ 



Three chief 
means of 
support 



SUPPORT OF THE SCHOOLS 

From the very beginning of the schools in Philadelphia 
their primary means of support lay in voluntary subscriptions. 
We have already seen that this was the accepted means of 
raising money to maintain the poor and orphans, ^^ and also to 
build their meeting houses; it was quite the natural way, 
really about the only way then familiar to them for maintain- 
ing their school S3^stem. As the meeting grew and the schools 
also increased many members weie led to believe that it 
was advisable to endow them with legacies. This being in 
accordance with the recommendations of the Yearly Meetings 
of London and Philadelphia,^" it became quite a common 

*^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 25 — 1791, in. 
*^Wickersham, 91. 

88Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 25 — 1799, 217. 
8»G. S. P. P.,1,252. 

^oA collection of Christian and Brotherly advices, 1753 (found in most 
of the depositories for records). 



Education in Philadelphia 



6i 



procedure in Philadelphia, as al?o in the other monthly 
meetings. Their third means of support was the rate which 
was paid by all children whose parents were able to bear the 
expense of their education. 

As has been stated, subscriptions were made voluntarily, 
though they might be rigorously solicited, enough at least to 
make some feel uncomfortable who did not contribute when 
they were able. There are instances which might be con- 
sidered as mandatory though such cases are very rare. 
One such occurred in 1701 when, Tobias Dinnock desiring a 
certificate, the meeting reported there was nothing to hinder 
it save that he had not paid anything toward the school. ^^ 
This does not mean that he had to subscribe but it was doubt - 
less unpleasant pressure to have brought to bear on one. 
Subscriptions were usually made and paid at the subscriber's 
convenience, or on a date which he designated when making 
the subscription. Though this was ideally satisfactory it 
often failed to work out just at the right time, so it was neces- 
sary to appoint a committee to go out after the subscriber 
and get that which he had promised to pay. The first 
record of a committee appointed on a service of this kind was 
in 1691. The work of such committees was continued 
throughout the century, and the following extract will 
^indicate very well their function, without further explanation 
or reference. 

Whereas several of the subscriptions towards the school are unpaidi 
the Meeting beng engaged for the same, they have requested Alexander 
Beardsley, Anthony Morris, Francis Rawles, John Delavall and Samuel 
Richardson to use their endeavors to get what is unpaid of the said sub- 
scriptions, and they are desired to pay what money they receive unto 
Robert Turner and give account thereof to the next Monthly Meeting.^^ 

The rates paid by parents in the earlier years of their colony 
are seen in the establishment of Flower's school in 1683.®^ 
The next references made to the amounts paid for instruction, 
under the rate system, are in the report of the school com- 
mittee of the Overseers in 1784.^^ Flower received four 



9iMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 8 — 31 — 1701. 
^^Ibid., 3 — 29 — 1691; similar references, Ibid., i — 31- 
1700; 3 — 30 — 1 701. 
''See page 43. 
»^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg,, 1—30— 1784, I23ff. 



-30— 



Subscrip- 
tions xirged, 
but not 
compulsory 



Subscription 
method not 
entirely 
satisfactory 



Rates 
charged 



62 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Special 
bequests and 
legacies 
recommend- 
ed and their 
probable 
effect 



shillings per quarter for teaching reading, six shillings for 
reading and writing, and eight for reading, writing and casting 
accounts; if by the year, then everything was furnished for 
ten pounds. In 1784 Isaac Weaver received thirty shillings 
per quarter for teaching the same subjects which Flower had 
taught for eight. ^^ William Brown also received the same 
amount for the same subjects which he taught the whole 
day.^^ Joseph Clarke was teaching for thirty shillings. 
For instruction in the three R's it appears that the general 
tendency for the cost in 1784 was about twenty-two shillings 
higher than it was in 1683.* Small children were taught 
generally at about fifteen shillings per quarter, or half the 
customary price for older pupils whatever that might be. 
The general custom was that in cases where the school corpora- 
tion sent poor children to a teacher they were admitted for a 
lesser rate than the others; if fifteen shillings were paid by 
others, then ten shillings might be paid for the poor children , 
schooled at the trustees' expense. These prices for teaching 
among the Quaker masters are quite comparable with those 
demanded by other private masters in the city at about the 
same dates. ^' 

As was cited previously in this work,^^ the practice of 
making special donations, bequests and legacies was urged 
by the yearly meeting as a proper means of support for the 
schools or other institutions. These recommendations of te 
yearly meeting which vyere written in the form of letters, were 
transmitted to the quarterly meetings and through them 
reached all members of the monthly and preparative meetings 
in the compass of the general assembly. It cannot be 
doubted that they were a very important means to instill a 
desire to give to a worthy cause, and the very similar pro- 
cedure in all monthly meetings seems to indicate that they 
constituted the most effectual means for getting anything 
definite done towards establishing any permanent foundation. 



1 



s^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1—30— 1784, i23flE. . 

*The reader will recall, however, that in(^874)the real was far below 
the face value. 

9^Pa. Gaz., 1772, No. 2285; Pa. Gaz. and Wk. Advt., 1783, No. 2782; 
Pa. Gaz. and Wk. Advt., Supplement, 1784, No. 281 1. 

"See page 60, note 90. 



Education in Philadelphia 



63 



Nothing in the way of a complete survey of various legacies 
and donations given to the schools in Philadelphia will be 
attempted here, even granting that it might be interesting 
enough, but a few of them will be treated briefly. The first 
example of this individual philanthropy came before the 
monthly meeting in 1699, when the will of John Lineham was 
read, by which he proposed to leave "twenty pounds for the 
use of the public school. "^^ This s\mi was not to be expended 
at once for present needs but was to be kept as a "stock 
forever for that use." Two members, John Kinsey and 
Ralph Jackson, were ordered to pay in the said amount that 
it might be turned over to Edward Shippen the treasurer. 
Other legacies were left by Robert Wade^"" and Mary 
Richards. ^"^ In regard to the former there was trouble 
about getting it settled, which lasted for many years.^''^ The 
above names are only a few of the many who are mentioned 
by the minutes up to 1700 as having left donations for the 
school. There were indeed many others. In that year 
(1702) it was considered advisable that an account be kept 
of all legacies which had been granted to the use of the public 
school, as also those granted for the poor. Isaac Norris was 
appointed to prepare this account. Its purpose was probably 
to straighten out the tangle into which some of them had 
fallen (especially that of Robert Wade) and that one man 
might be held responsible for the expenditure of funds. No 
funds were to be paid out for the use of schools by Norris, 
except on the order of the overseers. Funds for the poor 
might be expended at the order of the monthly meeting.^"^ 

The appointment of some one to see that an account of 
legacies be kept, resulted in some investigation of those 
already granted. It appears that that of Robert Wade, who 
probably died before 1686,^''^ had not been paid at all accord- 
ing to the stipulation of the donor, which stated that £5 
should be paid yearly for the use of the school. The first 



99Min. Phila., Mo. Mtg., 3—26—1699. 
^^^lUd., 12 — 28 — 1702. 
^°^IMd., II — 29 — 1702. 
'^'^Hbid., I— 28— 1707. 
^'^^Ibid., II — 29 — 1702. 

"*No record of his death is found in Records of Births and Deaths 
beginning with 1686. 



Will of 

John 

Lineham 



Legacies 
of Wade 
and Richards 



64 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Trouble over 
the R. Wade 
legacy 



Negro school 
likewise 
received 
gifts 



record of a payment of the £5 was in 1699.^°^ David Lloyd 
and John Jones were accordingly appointed to attend to 
it}'^ Their success does not seem to have been very marked 
as in 1704 the minute again urges them to treat with John 
Wade (brother) concerning the legacy.^"' This was done, 
but their efforts met with a refusal to pay the money/"* so a 
committee of three Friends was appointed with others to 
advise whether it should be sued for or not. Such activity 
continued without any significant variant feature? until 1707, 
when it was proposed by those "concerned," presimiably his 
brother, to buy off the legacy. Having been unpaid for 
several years past, it was considered best that something be 
gotten out of it, so a committee of three of the overseers was 
appointed to treat with the buyers and make as satisfactory 
terms as they could. ^"^ The minutes point to the fact that 
it was not settled to anyone's satisfaction. In 17 12 it was 
still before the meeting and again in 1727 the overseers are 
directed to use "their care to get the legacy left by Robert 
Wade secured. "^^^ Among other legacies, obtained more 
easily, was one devised by Jonas Langford, which was brought 
to the attention of the meeting in 17 11. The amount of it 
was £50 in Antigua money. 

The Public School, established by charter, was not the only 
recipient of such permanent endowments. The Negro 
School was a popular and proper object of philanthropy and 
war benefited by bequests very early after its establishment 
in 1770."^ The first donation came in 1771 when £2, Penn- 
sylvania currency, were given to Israel Pemberton and 
Anthony Benezet or their executors to be appropriated for 
the promotion of the school for Negroes, and to be paid to 
such trustees as might be appointed to the care of the said 
school. "2 In the year following another legacy of £10 was 



loi^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2—28—1699. 

^"^Ibid., 12 — 28 — 1702. 

^"Ubid., 4 — 30 — 1704. 

^'^^Ibid., 7 — 28 — 1704, 420. 

^o^Ibid., I— 28— 1707. 

^^Hbid., II— 26— 1727-8. 

"^See page 243f. 

"^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 26 — 1771, 444. 



Education in Philadelphia 



65 



left fcr the instruction of the Negroe<^, and paid to Richard 
Blackham, treasurer of that institution."^ Anthony Benezet 
at his death left a considerable sum as a legacy, which, added 
to the amount of salary which was still owing him for services 
in the said school, had amounted by 1800 to £103 and 4s."* 
The amount of other donations to that institution up to date 
amounted to £117/5/11."^ 

In addition to the ways already mentioned there was also 
occasional recourse to a bond issue for raising fimds, but the 
last was not common, being used only in emergency cases. 
The first example of it, which has come to the writer's atten- 
tion, was in 1701, when it had been decided to build a school 
house and the work being begun, a lack of funds occurred 
which prevented continuing. To meet this emergency it was 
agreed that the committee having charge of the financial 
matters should "take up 100 pounds upon interest for one 
year, giving bond jointly for the same and this meeting does 
engage to indemnify them for the payment.""^ 



Funds also 
raised by 
bonds, 
rarely 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS 

Various items on buildings and grounds occupy a con- 
siderable amount of attention on the part of the monthly 
meeting though the minutes are usually of general nature. 
The place of Keith's school (1689) was doubtless no more than 
an ordinary house procured for the use of his family and the 
school at the same time."'^ This proved satisfactory only for 
a short time, and to remedy Keith's complaint (1690)"^ of 
its " straightness" another more convenient room was arranged 
for by the committee with John Fuller for the rent of £13 
a year. The former had cost but ten."^ It is likely 
that the school continued to be held in the same house, 
others similarly, for about reven years; there is, at any rate, 
no mention of change of place or location for that period of 



ii^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 12—25- 
^^*Ibid., II — 2 — 1800, 300. 

^^Ubid., 9 — 28 — 1701, 315. 
^^Ubid., 5—26—1689, 154. 
^^^Ibid., I— 28— 1690, 163. 
^^^Ibid., 2 — 26 — 1690, 164. 



-1772, 145. 



Place of 
first school 



66 



Early Quaker Edtication in Pennsylvania 



School in 
loft of the 
meeting 
house 



Property 
purchased 
for the 
Public School 



First record 
of house 
built for 
school 



Property 
acquired 
by gift 



time. At the end of that time the meeting made preparation 
to receive the school into the "inner chamber over the meeting 
house," the expense of fitting it up being paid out of the 
meeting's stock. ^^"^ It was in this school in the loft of the 
meeting hou^e that Daniel Pastcrius and Thomas Makin first 
taught the school together, ^^i 'pj^g meeting house served thus 
as schoolhouse until early in the year 1698, when property 
was purchased for the purpose, the meeting minute of the 
transaction being as follows: 

Whereas Friends have purchased an house and lot of Lionell Brittain 
for the ser\'ice of the public schools, according to that has already been 
agreed to by this meeting, and the said purchase is approved, and David 
Lloyd is desired to draw the writings for confirmation of the same unto 
Edward Shippen until he be secured the money, and then he to reconvey 
it again for the use aforesaid.^^^ 

In 1701 we find the first record for building a house for 
the sole use of the school, presumably on the lot previously 
purchased by the meeting. ^^^ Robert Burrough and 
Nathaniel Edgcomb were appointed to get the subscription 
for the building and pay to Anthony Morris, who was to agree 
with suitable workmen for the building.^24 ^^he dimensions, 
"20 feet wide by 60 feet long," were, at first consideration, 
thought to be satisfactor}^, but it was finally decided to build 
it 24 feet by 60 feet.^^^ The work was at first to be supported 
by subscriptions, but before its completion it became neces- 
sary to issue bonds for the amount of £100.^^® 

The acquisition of property, this time by gift, continued. 
In 1 70 1, Daniel Lloyd reported that a deed for the lot in High 
Street, given by Samuel Carpenter to Friends for the use of 
the free school, was signed to the said Samuel, and the meeting 
directed him to get another drawn to the overseers of the 
school. ^^^ It might easily appear that the new schoolhouse, 
just proposed, was to be built on this lot and not that pre- 



i20Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., u— 28 — 1697, 227. 

^^'^Ibid., 2 — 29 — 1698, 229. 
^^^Ibid., 2 — 25 — ^1701, 292. 
^^'^Ibid., 3 — 30 — 1701, 294. 
^^"^Ibid., 4 — 27 — 1 701, 298. 
^^'^Ibid., 9 — 28 — 1 701, 315. 
^■Ubid., II — 30 — 1 701, 322. 



Education in Philadelphia 



67 



viously purchased of Lionell Brittain. After due considera- 
tion it seems, however, that the greater weight is in favor of 
its having been built on the Lionell tract. The minutes show 
that as late as 2d month, 24th, 1708, the deed for the lot from 
Samuel Carpenter to the meeting had not been drawn up.^^^ 
But as was previously mentioned, Anthony Morris had been 
told to engage workmen (3d, 30th, 1701)^^^ and the statement 
that £100 had to be raised by bond to carry on the work 
(2nd month, 28th, 1701)^^" would indicate that the work had 
actually been begun and was perhaps well towards completion 
by the end of that year. It seems quite impossible that any 
such building program would have been carried on so long 
before the transfer of property was properly drawn up and 
signed. The years 1704 and 1705 are busy with the details 
of getting several pieces of property, purchased and received 
as gifts, confirmed by the commissioners of property.^^' 
Late in 1705 it is stated: 

All is done, viz.: a patent for a front lot, a High Street lot and 
twenty acres of liberty land and also a patent for a bank lot. 
But this meeting house, ground and schoolhouse ground, being only in 
the name of Edward Shippen, in case of mortality. Friends think there is 
a necessity for a speedy reconveying thereof to more hands and for the 
particular use intended .... desired that the said Edward 
Shippen may convey them to Samuel Carpenter, R. Hill and Anthony 
Morris, being the persons in whose name the Patents are granted unto, 
adding the names of all the overseers of the Free School in the part 
belonging to the said school.'^- 

Some light is thrown upon the interior arrangement of the 
school. In 17 12 Thomas Griffith was ordered to pay 
Christer Thomason 12 for "making" a stove in the school- 
house, ^^^ presimiably an old fashioned brick stove, such as a 
few years later was condemned by William Robbins as being 
"injurious to many of the scholars. "^^^ Mr. Robbins pro- 
posed that a "chimney might be erected," and Samuel 
Preston was appointed to have it done, if not inconvenient 



i2«Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2 — 24 — 1702, 329. 

^^^See page 00. 

^'"See page 00'. 

"^See the minutes from 1704 and 1705, pages 420 to 463, various items. 

i32Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 10 — 28—1705, 463. 

^^Ubid., 2 — 25 — 1712, 222. 

^^^Ibid., 8— 28— 1715. 



Property 
confirmed 



Heating 
facilities 



68 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



An iron stove 
placed in 
the school 



Overseers 
assume 
greater 
responsibility 



Titles to 
property to 
be trans- 
ferred to the 
overseers 



An account 
of funds to 
be made 



or expensive. He reported that it would be a greater charge 
than represented and would hardly answer the end proposed 
nearly so satisfactorily as an iron stove, which he had thought 
necessary and had accordingly had set up, to be removed 
however if the meeting did not approve of his action. ^^^ The 
charge for the iron stove was £7.^^^ Such items as the fore- 
going were brought up in the monthly meeting which 
appointed some one to attend to this or that detail; as the 
schools grew these were left more in the hands of the school 
committee or overseers, who reported occasionally thereon. 

This tendency on the part of the meeting to turn over the 
details of management to the overseers came to a head about 
1725,* when it was agreed by the meeting that all titles to the 
schoolhouses and other property be conveyed the over- 
seers of the public schools and a minute be drawn up 
relating to such decision.^^^ In the month following, the 
minutes of the committee's report were made referring to the 
transfer : 

Anthony Morris, Ebenezer Sorge, Samuel Powell and Jones being 
appointed by the Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia the 2 — 30 — 1725, 
to meet with the overseers of the public school, do acquaint them that 
the said meeting being concerned for the promotion of the public school 
have unanimously agreed that the title of the school house and ground 
with the lots, tenements .... now in the tenure of Evan Owen 
and Thomas Cannon with all the other titles of real estate and annuities 
appertaining to the public school, be vested in the overseers thereof and 
desire for the future distinct accounts may be kept of all legacies and 
donations made to the said schools in order that the same may be duly 
applied pursuant to the intentions of the donors respectively. 

Then follows a minute of the overseers stating their appre- 
ciation of the meeting's cooperation in the work of the school. 

The Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia expressing the same kind 
inclination to encourage that at first led them to erect the public school 
and to procure the same to be estabUshed by the proprietor's charter, as 
it is now under the care of the present overseers, having thought it neces- 



"5Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 9 — 25 — 1715, lof. 

^^^Ibid., 10—30 — 1715, II. 

*The overseers of the school had kept a regular record of their meeting 
in regard to schools, since 17 12; they were, however, closely associated 
with the monthly meeting in the school affairs. (P. C. S. M., I, first 
record in 1712 .) 

^^Uhid., 2 — 30 — 1725, 119. 



Education in Philadelphia 



69 



sary that an exact account should be taken of all the benefactions 
intended by the several donors for the use of the said school, the moneys 
or effects whereof might have come under the direction of the said 
meeting. In order thereunto appointed some friends to adjust the said 
accounts with the overseers, which being carefully done, it appears the 
meeting has received of such benefactions as aforesaid for the use of the 
school the sum of £226. . . . and that they expended in the build- 
ing the school house which was begun, carried on and finished under 
their care and direction the sum of £264 and 3d, whereby the meeting 
is in disburse for the public schoolhouse, above what they received in 
the sum of £37/15/3, which last sum or balance they were pleased 
freely to ... . grant and release to the said school, together with 
the lot belonging to it and all those (equipages) and tenements now in 
the occupation of Evan Owen and Thomas Cannon with their appurte- 
nances and all the rents, profits and issues thereof, and have accordingly 
ordered the persons who are by legal deeds or instruments vested with 
the right to the said tenements in trust for the meeting to (grant) and 
absolutely convey the said schoolhouse and .... with the lots 
and grounds on which they stand and appurtenances to the overseers of 
the school, to be held by them and their successors for the use of the 
public school founded by charter in the town and county of Philadelphia 
in Pennsylvania, forever."^ 

This transfer was at once acknowledged by the overseers 
in a minute of the same date, and Thomas Griffiths and John 
Goodson were desired to execute the proper papers conveying 
the properties to the said overseers of the public schools, 
which was accordingly done before the next meeting (4th 
month, 1725).^^^ 

By this time (1733) the old building erected in 1701 was 
badly in need of repairs, but on a closer examination it was 
decided more economical to pull down the old and build a new 
one, more convenient, on the north side of the school lot."° 

The work was begun immediately, though a lack of funds 
hindered its completion for some time."^ The demand for 
an increase of building space seems to have been regular and 
urgent, indicating a healthy growth of the system. In 1740, 
when the consideration for a new meeting house came up, it 
was decided to build it large, "with chambers over it commo- 



Papers to be 
executed 
conveying 
the properties 



New building 
proposed 

and begun 

New meeting 
house built 
large to 
contain 
school rooms 



"^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3—28—1725, 121 ff. 
^^^Ibid., 4 — 25 — 1725, 124. 
^^°Ibid., 12 — 22 — 1733-4, 142- 
^*^Ibid., 4 — 25 — 1736, 271. 



70 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



New school 
building 
requested on 
the Fox lot 



Tenement 
buildings 
erected on 
lots as an 
investment 
for the school 



diot'S for school rooms. "^^ In 1744 the overseers, finding the 
old school building inconvenient in divers respects, requested 
the monthly meeting to name a committee to confer with 
them on a plan, location and dimensions of a new building. 
Michael Lightfoot and twelve others were named. ^*^ The 
committee decided to locate the building on the south side of 
the lot devised by William Forest, the dimensions to be about 
60 feet by 35 feet in the clear and two stories high, also a cellar 
under it, rising three feet above the surface of the ground. 
This quite pretentious building was not to be finished entirel}^ 
at this tim.e. The plan was to enclose all of it and finish the 
interior as the size of the school dem.anded.^^ 

For twelve years apparently no further building projects 
were launched. Then the overseers appealed to the meeting 
for permission to erect a school on the middle of the lot left 
to them by George Fox. This was agreed to by that assem- 
bly and a committee named to remove the present incumbent 
of the lot who had not paid the rent for some years past.^^^ 
Their next building was begun, not for the purpose of a place 
of instruction, but as investment: It was proposed to the 
monthly assembly in 1760 that several houses be erected on 
the schoolhouse lot fronting Chestnut Street, expenses de- 
frayed out of the treasury of the overseers, for the purpose 
of increasing the yearly income of the property ^^^ The sug- 
gestion was well received and the liberty ^ ranted to erect one 
or more such houses. ^^'^ In 1767 the accommodations for the 
Girls' School, being unsatisfactory, the overseers of the school 
requested permission to have the chamber of the meeting 
house fitted up as a place for them, which was taken under 
consideration by a committee of the meeting appointed for 
that purpose. ^'*^ 

The Negro School, established 1770, was first housed in a 
building rented for that use,^'*^ in which it continued for 



i^Min. 


Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5— 


^^Ubid., 


, 10—28—1744, 378. 


'**Ibid., 


. II— 25— 1744, 379- 


^^UUd., 


, 8—27—1756, 243. 


^^Hbid., 


, 4 — 25 — 1760, 248 ff. 


'*Ubid., 


1 6 — 27 — 1760, 259. 


^^Hbid. 


, II— 27— 1767, 199. 


^*^Ibid. 


. 6 — 29 — 1770, 398. 



25—1740, 318. 



Education in Philadelphia 



n 



nearly a year. The plans for a permanent school made a 
building for that purpose desirable, and in 1771 the com- 
mittee on education of the Negroes requested that a house be 
built on the lot where the alms-houses were situated, which 
was granted. ^^° This house was occupied by the school until 
charge of it was assum.ed by Anthony Benezet (1782), who 
held the school in his own house. ^^^ 

In the foregoing pages we have mentioned some of the facts 
of the establishment and developm,ent of the school in 
Philadelphia, with reference to (i) founding, (2) support, (3) 
masters, (4) propertiss, buildings and grounds. It is deem.ed 
advisable to omit from this chapter any presentation of curric- 
ulum, excepting as that has been mentioned at a few places, 
reserving such presentation to a chapter comprising all the 
schools established in Pennsylvania. As a fitting close to the 
previous discussion of the century's developm.ent, we present, 
almost entire, one of the reports returned by the committee of 
the meeting, which, in a fair way will tell the reader m.ore 
aboLit the growth up to, and the status of the system in 1784, 
than will any discussion. Portions of the report are discussed 
in other chapters. 

The schools under their direction and care within the limits of this 
meeting, are: 

(i) One under the tuition of Robert Proud, by whom about 30 boys 
are instructed in the Latin and Greek languages and some branches of 
the mathematics; his salary is fixed at £250 per annum, having an usher 
who is allowed £80 per annum, at the expense of the estate under the 
care of the overseers. The present £6 per annum for each scholar for 
which he accounts to the said overseers and has for one year past 
received one Guinea entrance to his own use and charges 5/ for fuel. 
We had some conversation with him on the case necessary to guard 
against the use of such books, v/hose contents have a tendency to pre- 
possess the youthful minds with sentiments unfavorable to the Christian 
faith and the true spirit of the gospel ; which appears had his attention, 
having observed a care therein agreeable to what the occasion requires. 
In this school are read Barclay's Apology in Latin and the Testament in 
Latin and Greek. The overseers have enjoined the attendance of the 
scholars who are chiefly members of our own religious society, at our 
meeting on the fifth day of the week, but it had not been sufficiently 
observed. 



Building 
for negro 
school re- 
quested 
about 1 77 1 



Restatement 
of points 
considered 



The report 
to the 
monthly 
meeting 
(1784) indi- 
cates status 
of schools on 
that date 



isoMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 25 — 1771, 430. 
^^Ubid., 5— 31— 1782, 28. 



72 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

, (2) One under the care of John Todd, in which are taught reading, 
writing, the English Grammar, Arithmetic and some other branches of 
the mathematics. It consists of 88 boys on this list, for 83 of whom he 
has 20/ per quarter, 2/6 for pen and ink, 5/ for fuel; on the entrance 
of each 15/ except where the parents or guardians are not of ability to 
afford it, the other 5 being put to him by the school corporation, he 
teaches for 10/ per quarter. He remarked there are each day about 70 
together. The master appears careful to observe good order in his 
school and frequently attends our meeting on the 5th day with his 
scholars. He also kept a night school in the winter season consisting 
of 82 scholars. 

(3) One b}' Isaac Weaver consisting of about 28 boys, being limited 
to 10/ per quarter, 2/6 for pen and ink and 5/ a year for fuel, he takes 
no entrance fee and teaches reading, writing, and arithmetic, and is care- 
ful to keep good order in the school, also frequently brings his scholars 
to the meeting fifth day. 

(4) William Brown teaches girls reading, writing and arithmetic, 
language, 8 whole days at 30/ per quarter 14 in mornings 15/ per quarter 
13 in afternoon 15/ per quarter and for some time has been in the prac- 
tice of taking 7/6 entrance fee, except for those placed with him by the 
school corporation — he represents some difficulty in enforcing the rules 
and regulations provided for the schools on account of the greater 
number of his scholars children of persons not professing with us. 

(5) Sarah Lancaster has a school for young children of both sexes 
consisting of about 64 scholars of whom : 

35 attend whole days at 15/ per Q. 

18 attend, sent by school corporation, 10/ per Q. 

II attend half days, also sent by them, 7/6 per Q. 
Also pay for fuel. She teaches both sexes to spell and read and the girls 
to sew and appears to have an orderly school. 

In all the foregoing schools, which are under the direction of the school 
corporation, 41 poor children are taught at their expense. We also 
visited the following schools, the masters and mistresses of which are 
either members or make profession with our religious society, but are 
not immediately under the care of the board. (I give here only a digest 
of their report), 
(i) Mary Harry. 

School in Charters Alley; 15-16 children at 15/ per Q. 

Income is about 40 pounds per year. 

Not a Friend but attends our meetings. 

(2) Joseph Clarke. 

School in Fifth St. ; about 30 girls. 
Curriculum — reading, writing and arithmetic. 
For 25 he receives 30/ per Q. and others gratis. 

(3) Mrs. Clarke (wife) and Joseph Clarke. 

Same house; 15-16 boys reading; and the girls, sewing at 15/ 
per Q. each ; they try to attend our fifth day meetings. 



Education in Philadelphia 



73 



(4) Anna Marsh. 

50 (approximately) girls and boys. 

Taught reading, and the girls, needlework; 20/ per Q. 

Each has a right of membership with Friends. 

(5) Mary McDonnell. 

15 young children at 15/ per Q. 

In the most of the schools there are nearly one-half if not more of the 
children of the people of the societies and we wish Friends children may 
not be too frequently excluded for want of room, evident inconvenience 
being very observable in the present mixed state of schools, it is much 
to be desired that a more select mode of education could be effectually 
promoted ; in the meantime it would be well that master be not too lax 
in the observance of the rules.^^- 

The other item of very great interest, though not in reality 
immediately connected with the schools in Philadelphia, 
concerns the establishment of a boarding school, which was 
to be founded and planned after one of the oldest and largest 
schools of the society, the great Ackworth School in Eng- 
land.^^' The project was greatly encouraged by Owen 
Biddle, who (6th month, loth, 1790) published a pamphlet 
of 52 pages in which the plea for such a school was elabo- 
rated.^^* A committee was appoini ed to confer wich him, and 
reported they wished to present their wishes also to the other 
monthly meetings of the city,^^^ and they concurring; to 
present the wishes of the monthly meetings to the quarterly 
and so on to the yearly meeting. ^^^ The report, when pre- 
sented to the other two monthly meetings, met with favor,^^'' 
and it was accordingly agreed (1792) to bring the matter 
before the quarterly meeting. ^^* The approval of the quar- 
terly and yearly meetings* in the time immediately ensuing 
resulted in the plans being set on foot for a subscription of 
£5000 and which was made open to all members of the 
yearly meeting in whatsoever quarter; the amount of these, 



i^2Report of Committee in Phila. Mo. Mtg. Min. i — 30—1784, 123 ff. 
i^^See Thompson, Henry. A History of Ackworth. 
i^*This pamphlet may be seen in H. S. P., Philadelphia. 
"5Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 25 — 1791, iii. 
^'"^Ibid., 6 — 24 — 1791, 118. 
^^Ubid., 7 — 27 — 1791, 123. 
^^^Ibid., I — 27 — 1792, 140. 

*Minute, Yearly Meeting, held in Philadelphia, 9th and loth mos. 
1794- 



Boarding 
school en- 
couraged by 
Owen Biddle 



Approved by 
quarterly 
and yearly 
meetings 



74 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Rules drawn 
up therefor 



in 1797, was £247/10.^^^ The school established at West- 
town on the tract of land purchased by the yearly meeting, 
was opened in 1800/^° with Richard Hartshome as the first 
superintendent. ^^^ Rules and regulations for its conduct had 
been dra\vn up by a committee appointed by the yearly meet- 
ing in 1794.* 



First school 
probabty as 
early as 17 10 
or 171 1 



Greater 
activity- 
near middle 
of century 



OTHER SCHOOLS IN PHILADELPHIA COUNTY 

The date of the first school in Byberry has not been 
definitely determined, though it can surely be placed at a very 
early period in its history, as early asi7ioori7ii. Richard 
Brockden, who later taught school in Philadelphia, ^^^ ^73,3 a 
teacher in the school at Byberry, for a minute of Abington 
monthly meeting states in the 4th month of the later 3^ear 
that "At this meeting Richard Brockden, late schoolmaster 
at Byberry, had a certificate granted him in order to go to 
England. "^«3 

This would indicate that the said Richard had been teach 
ing at Byberry, and it is quite probable that he had, but it is 
not conclusive evidence that he did so. About the middle 
of the eighteenth century the Byberry Meeting became very 
active in schooling the children of poor Friends. This move- 
ment, it seems from all records found, was due in large 
measure to an apportionment received from a legacy left by 
William Carter to the charge of Abington Meeting, for the 
schooling of the children of Friends in poverty. ^®^ In 1755, 
it was: 

. . . . agreed that Horsham, Germantown, Byberry meetings 
shall have 40 shillings each for the ensuing year, and Oxford twenty 
shillings, Abington three pounds for the same time, (of the annuity left 
by William Carter) in order that the same may be employed in paying 
for the schooling of such children as the said meetings may think proper 
objects thereof if they find any, and the Friends of the said meeting are 



i"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7—28—1797, 158. 

i^^See history of Westtown School. 

i6%Iin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4—26 — 1799, 217. 

*Minute, Yearly Meeting, held in Philadelphia, 9th and loth mos. 

1794- 

"^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1—3— 1722, 83. 
>«'''Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 4— 25— 171 1, 73. 
^^Ibid., I— 27— 1749, 50. 



Education in Philadelphia 



IS 



desired to see that the same be well applied and that the children who 
partake of the benefit thereof do go regularly to school.i^^ 

The mone3'" thus devised to the meeting was in the care of 
the committee appointed by the same, whose duty it was to 
receive requests and to investigate all cases where help was 
requested or found to be necessary. The accounts of the said 
committee were audited at a period when necessary by 
Friends appointed especially for that purpose.^®^ This form 
of philanthropy became very popular here, as in other meet- 
ings, almost every meeting bearing forward a new record of it. 
In 1758 James Thomtown and Giles Knight reported that 
they had received of James Paul (treasurer of Abington 
Monthly Meeting) the sum of £6, part of the donation left 
for the poor children's schooling, and had applied £2 /$ of 
the same to that use, leaving a remainder of £3 /i 5 in the 
hands of Knight.^''^ In 1770 the records run in this manner: 

It appears that Phillip Wells stands in need of some of the moneys 
that were given to the use of schooling poor Friends children; Thomas 
Townsend is therefore ordered to pay forty shillings of the money in his 
hands. 1^^ 

Though very few references are m.ade throughout the early 
period of the schools, it is quite certain from the nature of 
these reports on education of the poor that the schools were 
continued regularly. When the yearly meeting began to 
demand reports on the condition of the schools, there was 
on stir about the matter whatever, the first report being that 
those who have our school under care "report that it is in 
good order. "^^'^ The requests coming into the preparative 
meeting for information on schools, were referred to the 
standing school committee.^'" 

The standing committee performed all duties in connection 
with the school, with the exception of certain cases of diffi- 
culty, where it was necessary to call on the meeting for 
assistance, at which time that body cooperated with them 



^^^Min, Abington Mo. Mtg., 8 — 215 — 755, 151. 

'^®Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 4 — 24 — 1793. 

^^Ubid., 8—23—1758. 

^^Ubid., 12 — 6 — 1770. 

^^Hbid., 7—25—17^7. 

J'OMin. Abington Mo. Mtg., 5 — 21—1788. 



Donations 
under care 
of trustees, 
used for 
schooling 
poor 



Case of 

schools 

under 

standing 

committee 



76 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Genera] plan 
for encour- 
agement of 
better schools 



Byberry 
report on 
schools 



through specially appointed committees. ^'^ The Byberry 
Preparative Meeting was, of course, not independent in this 
matter of school organization; their place was very much in 
accord with that suggested by a committee report to the 
various preparative meetings in 1790: 

We of the committee appointed to attend the preparative meetings 
with the extracts in order to spread the concern of our last yearly 
meeting, have attended to the appointment and taken into due considera- 
tion that part of them relating to schools, and being desirous to adopt 
it in so far as our present circumstances will admit, and in order to 
encourage any charitably disposed persons who may incline in their last 
will and testament or otherwise to give or bequeath something towards 
so laudable a purpose as to raise a certain fixed union for the support of 
schools, it is our desire that it may be safely counted to the care of the 
preparative meetings, he or she appointing, if they see fit, their own 
trustees and that Friends earnestly endeavor to provide for the school- 
masters a house lot, ground, etc., either purchasing or renting, whenever 
it may be necessary, and that our minds being deeply impressed with a 
sense that a guarded religious education of the rising youth is a matter 
of great importance it is otir sense of judgment that Friends within the 
compass of this meeting should be pressingly urged to consider the 
necessity of employing conscientious and pious persons as schoolmasters, 
being members of a religious society and that the preparative meeting 
continue to appoint committees from time to time as occasion may 
require to have the care and oversight of such schools and that they 
visit the respective schools at least once in six weeks to see that good 
order be observed, and for the encouragement of the children in their 
learning, and render an account thereof to the preparative meeting once 
in six months. Signed the 28th of the 4th month, 1790. 

By Samuel Gtimmere, Silas Walmsley, Thos. Walmsley, 
John Townsend and Naylor Webster.i^- 

In the month following the reception of these suggestions 
from the monthly meeting's committee, the Byberry school 
trustees made the following report on the conditions of the 
schools, and the nature of their own activities. 

We, the trustees appointed by the meeting to have the care of the 
schools under the direction of the meeting, do inform, agreeable to our 
trust, we have several times met within the year past at the school in 
order to encourage the children in their learning, also to see that good 
order be kept by the master and children and we believe this a good 
measure complied with, and we further inform, that we have en- 



'^iMin. Abington Mo. Mtg., 10 — 22 — 175 
^'Ubid., 6 — 23 — 1790. 



Education in Philadelphia 



11 



deavored to comply with the intentions of the donor, by distributing the 
donations of William Carter, by schooling such children as we appre- 
hended proper objects and have engaged as many as to take most of the 
money now in hand. (Clerk asked to give the committee a copy of the 
monthly meetings extracts that they comply with the regulations con- 
cerning schools. )i^' 

The gist of their report sik months thereafter is as follows -P^ 

1. The trustees have met several times at the school in 
the last six months. 

2. Afternoons are usually spent hearing the scholars read 
and in examining their learning. 

3. The masters keep strictly the rules, which the trustees 
have laid down. 

4. We believe the school is kept in good order. 

In 1792 it was considered necessary to enlarge the school- 
house to make adequate facilities for the increasing number 
of children. The committee appointed on the subject 
decided there should be an addition of ten feet for the length ; 
their suggestion was approved and a subscription begun to 
carry forward the work as speedily as could be done.^^^ 
Thomas Walmsley was appointed to have oversight of the 
work."^ The status of the school at the end of the century is 
stated in the report to Horsham Monthly Meeting, as follows ; 

We have one school under the care of the meeting, to which our mem- 
bers send their children, except some Friends who live remote. It is 
supported by subscription; the tutor is a Friend and we believe en- 
deavors to discharge the important trust committed to him. The 
children of such as are in straightened circumstances are schooled by 
donations left for that piu-pose — ^A committee appointed by the meeting 
frequently visits the said school and reports the state thereof."' 



Summary 
of a later 
report 



School 
house 
to be 
enlarged 



School's 
status at 
end of 

century 



GERMANTOWN 

It has already been mentioned that Francis Daniel Pas" 
torius taught in the Friends School at Philadelphia during the Pastorius in 
period from 1697 to 1700.1^8 While in the school at Phila- Philadelphia 



"^Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 7 — 21 — 1790. 
"*Ibid., I — 26 — 1791. 
^'^^Ibid., 6 — 20 — 1792. 
"^Ibid., 7 — 25 — 1792. 

i"Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 3 — 29 — 1797; Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 
3—22—1797. 

"8Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 29 — 1700. 



78 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Early 
school at 
Germantown 



Contributors 



Patrons of 
the school 



Tuition 



delphia it appears that he left his residence at Germantown 
vacant and took up his abode in the city. The following 
letter, written by his children, to their grandfather in Winds- 
heim, indicates their longing for their "own home" at 
Germantown and the tediimi of their school days in the 
Philadelphia school. 

Wir Wiinschen gar offt bey dir zu seyn /ach dass du hier warest und 
in unserm Hause zu Germanton Wohntest /welches einen schonen 
Obsgarten hat/ und der Zeit leer stehet/ indeme wir zu Philadelphia 
wohnen /und taglich 8 Stunden lang in die Schul gehen mussen / 
ausgenommen den letzen Tag in der Wochen/ da wir Nachmittag 
daheim bleiben dorffen."'' 

The school at Germantown was opened on January ii, 
1702, though Dr. Seidensticher thinks that this must have 
been preceded for some time by an evening school.^^" 

The first overseers chosen were Aret Klincken, Peter 
Schumacher, and Paul Wulff.^^^ Those who contributed 
voluntarily to the school were: Anton Loof, Peter Schu- 
macher, Paul Wulff, Jacob Delaplaine, Jonas Potts, Isaak 
Schumacher, Walter Simons, Levin Herberdink, Johann 
Bleikers, Dirck Jansen . . . Johannas Umstett, Heifert 
Papen, Jan Lensen, Peter Bon, Hermann Bon, Dirck Keyser, 
Glaus Tamson, Gerhard Ruttinghusen (and two others whose 
names can not be deciphered). ^^^ 

The patrons of the school for the first year were: Aret 
KHncken, Reinert Tysen, Tiines Kiinders, Wilhelm Strepers, 
Paul Kastner, Reinier Hermans, Abraham op de Graeff, 
Christian Warmer, Arnold van Vossen, Johann Cunrad 
Codweiss, Comelis Sivert, Aret Kiister, Jan Doeden and 
Lanert Arets.^^ 

The school admitted both boys and girls for instruction. 
The amounts paid by voluntary contributors varied from 
2/ to 15 / per year, while the tuition charged was from 4d. to 
6d. per week.^^ The evening school was intended for those 



'"Quoted from Learned, Pastorins, 181. 
^^"Der Deutsche Pioneer, III, 56. 

i^^Leamed, 182. 

^^Der Deutsche Pioneer, III, 56. 



Education in Philadelphia 



79 



who were forced to work during the day time, or for others 
who, because of their age, could not enter the regular day 
school.^^^ Among the patrons from 1 706-1 708 there are to 
be found a great nimiber of English names,^^® which may no 
doubt indicate that the school imder the German master was 
recognized by English inhabitants to be of very high standard. 
His experience in Philadelphia would speak for that. 

Some question has been raised as to whether Pastorius 
taught the school in the English or the German tongue. 
Though in his manuscript it is found that he did use some- 
what broken English, ^^^ we know that he taught the English 
school at Philadelphia, where most of the children were 
English.^^^ The majority of his pupils at Germantown were, 
of course, German,^^^ and doubtless German was spoken 
between them, and the teacher at times. The fact, however, 
that the titles of Pastorius' school books were written in 
English, is pointed out by Seidensticker as an indication that 
the language of the province was given preference in the 
school.^®'' It is also to be noted that the General Court had 
in 1696 ordered that the minutes of the Ratsbuch be trans- 
scribed into English, lending further evidence to the idea that 
the importance of the official language was recognized. ^^^ 
The length of continuation of the Friends' school at German- 
town is not known, though it seems likely that Pastorius may 
have continued in its sendee till the time of his death, or at 
least until 1718.1^2 



Evening 
school 



The school 
probably 
taught in 
English 



SCHOOLS AT EXETER MONTHLY MEETING 

Exeter Monthly Meeting, established 1737, being set off 
from Gwynedd Monthly,^^^ did not have any schools under 
their jtirisdiction at a very early date. The first indication 
that the subject of education was being seriously considered 



^^Der Deutsche Pioneer. 

^^Ihid., 57. 

i«^See MS. collection of Pastorius. H. S. P. 

^^^See page 77f. 

^^^Der Deutsche Pioneer, III, 56. 

i9iLearned, 185. 

^^"^Der Deutsche Pioneer, III, 58. 

i^^Bunting, List of Records for Phila. Yr. Mtg., 21. 



8o 



Early Quaker Ediication in Pennsylvania 



Youths 
meetings 
established 
1758 



Committee 
appointed 
on schools 



A new com- 
mittee to 
visit the 
preparatives 



was about 1758 when youths' meetings were estabhshed, two 
each year, one at Exeter and the other at Maiden Creek. ^^* 
These youths' meetings, sanctioned by the quarterly meet- 
ing,^^^ and another at Robeson several years later,^^^ were the 
first steps taken for education of youth, and controlled by the 
meeting. It is true, there was a school (day school) even at 
this time situated near Samuel Lea's, as we learn from a chance 
reference,^^' but though it was attended by Friends children 
in part, it was neither controlled by them, nor under the 
monthly meeting. This condition lasted until the recom- 
mendations of the yearly meeting of 1777 and 1778 caused the 
monthly meeting to look into the educational situation. 

In accord with the recommendations concerning "the 
proper education of youth" published in these years, and sent 
out, the meeting at Exeter appointed Samuel Hughes, Abel 
Thomas, Benjamin Pearson, Mordecai Lee, James Thomas 
and John Scarlet to take the question under their considera- 
tion. ^^^ For two years and a half the substance of the reports 
of the above named committee and its successors, was to the 
effect that not much had been accomplished. ^^^ In 1781 the 
committee reported they had visited the preparative meetings 
(two of them), and recommended to them the careful con- 
sideration of the youths' education, under good moral tutors.^"** 
A year later, the committee was released, having, according to 
reports, accomplished nothing. ^"^ Those delegates who 
attended the quarterly meeting in 1783, brought back new 
advices, and were directed to furnish each preparative 
meeting with a copy and request a report on school conditions 
among them; at the following monthly assembly more of 
the preparatives were ready to report.^"^ Despairing of any 
report, unless of their own making, the monthly meeting 
appointed a committee of nine men to visit all the prepara- 



i^'^Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 10 — 16 — 1758, 301. 
^^^Ibid., II — 30 — 1758, 307. 
^^^Ibid., 4 — 27 — 1774, 212. 
^^Ubid., 4 — 29 — 1762, 430; 7 — 26 — 1764, 519. 
^"^^Ibid., 2 — 25 — 1778, 309; 12 — 30 — 1778, 336. 

^''^Ibid., 5—26—1779, 346; 7 — 28—1779, 350; II — 24—1779, 361; 
II— 29— 1780, 383. 

^'>'>Ibid., 8— 29— 1781, 436. 
-'^Ubid., 8—28—1782, 474. 
'^'^'-Ibid., 11 — 26 — 1785, 503. 



Education in Philadelphia 



tives and report what they thought of their schools.^"^ 
They produced the following statement. 

Most of the committee appointed two months ago to take into con- 
sideration and report the state of schools have given attention to the 
service ; and divers of us have attended each of the preparative meetings 
belonging to this meeting and after a time of conference thereon, 'tis 
agreed to report, there is no school within the village of Exeter Prepara- 
tive Meetiiig under the care of Friends; But we are of the mind that it 
is necessary that one be established there; and although work has been 
begun, yet we have but little expectation of its accomplishment in a 
short time; 

That there is a . . . . school at Maiden Creek kept by Thomas 
Pearson, a Friend, who is at present engaged for a year, has 15 scholars 
entered for that time and 8 quarterly ditto scholars at the rate of 40/ 
per annum for each, which is under the direction of three overseers 
chosen by the employers ; The school house built on a piece of ground 
belonging to a Friend which contains about five acres. There is like- 
wise a school at Reading kept by Benjamin Parks and wife in their own 
house; they are members of the society and have about 50 scholars; 
such as spell at 7/6 and others at 10/ per quarter but is not under the 
direction of the meeting, nor are there any overseers chosen to superin- 
tend the same, yet we are of the mind a school established there under 
proper regulations and care of the monthly meeting, might be useftil 
and deserves encouragement. 

The schools within the verge of Robeson Monthly Meeting are kept 
by a person who inclines to go to our meetings, has about 20 scholars, 
amounting to about £34 per annum. Endeavors are also used to get a 
school established there upon a better plan and near the direction of the 
yearly meeting, but how far they may be successful is at present un- 
known. We do therefore recommend the whole to the notion of allevia- 
tion of the Monthly Meeting as a matter wherein friends are deeply 
interested. 

Which we submit to the Meeting. 

Amos Lee, Thomas Lightfoot, Samuel Hughes, Fannie Ambree, Owen 
Hughes, (which was approved by the Monthly Meeting, and decided 
that the substance be made a report to the Quarterly Meeting — The 
Committee to be continued to the service of Schools and report in the 
future) .204 

Maiden Creek was at this time (1784) making earnest 
efforts to meet the standards set by the general meeting. In 
the eleventh month they requested a number of persons to be 
named to whom they might give a deed of trust for the ground 



Report of the 
committee 

No school 
of Exeter 
Preparative 



A school at 

Maiden 

Creek 



School at 
Reading 



School at 
Robeson 



Maiden 
Creek 

secures land 
for school 



203Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 2- 
2M/5id., 4—28—1784, 5iof. 



-25—1784, 307. 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Attempt to 
estabKsh 
school at 
Reading 



Committee 
report on 
Reading 
school 



School dis- 
continued 



agreed upon for the use of their school.^''^ Three were sug- 
gested and the deed and declaration of trust accordingly 
drawn up. Efforts in the meantime had been made towards 
establishing a school at Reading and a committee to conduct 
a subscription for that purpose named. ^^^ Help was solicited 
from the yearly meeting, but James Pemberton answered for 
that body that there was no money to be spared at the time, 
so Reading was advised to build such a house as their circum- 
stances would permit.^"^ Near the close of 1787 those having 
direct charge thereof made the following report of their 
progress : 

We the committee appointed to have the school education of youth 
under care, have given close attention to a school proposed to be opened 
in a short time at Reading by Caleb Johnson, in a house now in building 
by Friends there, and nearly finished, which we are of the mind should 
be under particular care and direction of the monthly meeting; and 
that it may be well that a committee be thereby appointed to superin- 
tend and monthly to visit said school; we have also drawn up 
and agreed on certain rules to be observed and attended to by the 
employers, master and scholars concerned therein for the regulation and 
well ordering thereof: which we have ready for the examination and 
inspection of the monthly meeting if thought necessary. All which we 
submit thereto. Signed on behalf of the committee, Francis Parvin, 
. . . Which minute being read was allowed of and it was directed that 
a copy thereof be kept in open view in said school and that the original 
be lodged among the meeting papers; Benjamin Pearson, Samuel 
Jackson, John Mears, Francis Parvin, Johannes Lee, Jr., and James 
Iddings are appointed to have the said school under care and visit it 
once a month or oftener as necessity may require and report of their care. 
The former committee is continued.^"^ 

After the school had been in progress two years, Samuel 
Jackson reported that it "appeared to be in an increasing 
way"2°^ but its prosperity was not to be long continued. In 
1705 it was reported "discontinued,"^^" and no reason assigned 
for it excepting "the situation of the Friends there" which, 
taking into consideration the shortage of funds when it was 
begun, we may infer, had reference to the financial situation. 



^o^Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 11 — 24 — 1784, 524. 

^"^Ibid., 2—28—1787, 39. 

'^"''Ibid., 6 — 27 — 1787, 50. 

^°UMd., 10— 31— 1787, 6of. 

^"^Ibid., 2 — 26 — 1789, 122. 

^^"Ibid., I— 28— 1795, 283. 



Education in Philadelphia 



83 



The action of the monthly meeting in regard to it was left 
entirely to their own judgment.^^^ 

SUMMARY / 

In this chapter we have considered the schools of Phila- 
delphia (city and county), and also those at Exeter Monthly 
Meeting, which belonged to the Philadelphia Quarter. 

Education in the Quaker colony was initially provided for 
in the instrument of government, drawn up before the 
Proprietary left England; in accord with said provisions the 
first school (Flower's) was set up by the Council in 1683. 
Thereafter, however, the initiative was usually taken by the 
Quaker meeting, which in 1689 set up a school and in 1697 
applied for a charter under the laws of the province. This 
petition was granted and Penn gave the first charter in 1701. 
Later charters, in 1708 and 17 11, granted extended privileges; 
by the last one the body of overseers were made self-per- 
petuating, and thus as independent of the meeting as they 
wished to be. The letter said to have been written to Thomas 
Lloyd, which credits Penn with suggesting the school of 1689, 
has not yet been discovered. 

The earliest masters were Keith, Makin, Pastorius, and 
Cadwalader. Mistresses were mentioned in connection with 
the schools from about 1699, Olive Songhurst being the first 
one named. Salaries were not high and seem in some cases 
to have hardly sufficed for the family of the master; increases 
were made upon complaint. Extra duties for the teacher 
included keeping charge of the boys and girls in meet- 
ing. From 1689 to 1779 the system increased from employ- 
ing one to one which required nine. In 1784 ten were 
reported. 

Philadelphia Friends' schools were first supported by (i) 
rates and (2) subscriptions, while (3) legacies and special gifts 
soon came to form a considerable item in their support. 
Bequests were also a factor in the support of the Negro School. 
Funds were occasionally raised by bond issues, and derived 
from tenements built on school property. 



Scope of 
chapter 

Education to 
be function 
of govern- 
ment 

First school 

School estab- 
lished by- 
monthly 
meeting 

Overseers 
made inde- 
pendent 



Earliest 
masters and 
mistresses 



Growth of 
system 

Means of 
support 



^Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 2 — 25 — 1795, 285. 



84 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Place of 

first schools 

Property by 
purchase 
and gift 

Overseers 
more inde- 
pendent 



Byberry 



Germantown 



Exeter 
Monthly 

Maidencreek 

Reading 

Robeson 



Schools were first held in rented property and in the 
meeting house, but in 1698 steps were taken to purchase 
property of Lionell Brittain for the use of schools. Property 
was received as a gift from Samuel Carpenter in 1701. The 
first record of a schoolhouse was the one to be begun in 1701. 
In accord with their charter rights the power and indepen- 
dence of the overseers increased. In 1725 the monthly 
meeting conveyed to them all money and the titles for all 
school property. The Negro School was provided with a 
building in 177 1. The end of the century is marked by the 
establishment by the yearly meeting of a Boarding School at 
Westtown in Chester County. 

The exact date of Byberry's first school is not determined ; 
but must have been early, since Richard Brockden is reported 
to have been schoolmaster there in 171 1. School activit^^ 
however, seems to have increased greatly near the middle of 
the century. The school was under the care of a standing 
committee, which was to visit schools every six weeks and 
make two reports thereon each year. Poor children were 
schooled by the trustees of the school funds. 

Germantown school began in 1702, though perhaps an 
evening school existed before that date. Pastorius continued 
in this school as master, at least until 17 18. The official 
language used in the school was probably English. The 
names of the first patrons were all German; a large number 
of English names among them in 1708 is an indication of how 
the school and its master were regarded. 

In 1758 youths' meetings were established by Exeter, but 
no school committee was appointed until 1778. This com- 
mittee accompHshed nothing and made no report of value. 
By a report of 1784, Maidencreek, Reading, and Robeson were 
credited with one school each, which measured up in some 
ways to the desired standards. Exeter had none. The 
Reading School was discontinued in 1795. 

The total number of schools reported at Philadelphia, 
Germantown, Byberry, and Eiceter monthly meeting, was 
fifteen. 



CHAPTER V 



SCHOOLS OF BUCKS COUNTY 



The establishment of schools in Bucks County will be 
discussed (i) under the head of the monthly meetings therein 
situated and (2) in the order of their establishment in point 
of time. The several monthly meetings and their dates of 
establishment, respectively, are as follows: Falls, 1683; 
Middletown, 1683 (known as Neshaminy until 1706); 
Buckingham, set off from Falls, 1720; Wrightstown, set off 
from Buckingham, 1734; and Richland, set off from Gwynedd 
(in Montgomery County) in 1742.^ Of these meetings, all 
were a part of Bucks Quarterly Meeting save Richland, which 
belonged to that of Abington.^ 

The first way in which the early Quakers usually looked 
after education was to arrange for a useful apprenticeship 
suitable to the individual, which was calculated to enable, 
him or her to earn a living. The moral training was always 
considered when an apprentice was to be placed. The 
placing of youths as apprentices was in the charge of Friends 
appointed by the monthly meeting. The early records of 
Falls Monthly Meeting show them active in regard to this 
type of education. In 1704 this report was made before the 
meeting. 

A complaint having been made to this meeting that the children of 
Abraham Clement are not placed out to the satisfaction of Friends, it is 
the mind of this meeting that the Friends formerly appointed do take 
care to speak with Samuel Carpenter and Benjamin Collins about them, 
and make report to next meeting.* 

A similar one of 17 14 points out the continued interest and 
attention in that respect. 



^Bunting, pp. 30, 31, 33, 32, and 28 respectively; also first volumes of 
t he respective Records. 
Ubid., 28. 
^Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 11— 3— 1704, 128. 

(85) 



Schools of 
five monthly 
meetings to 
be discussed 



Apprentice- 
ship looked 
after by 
meetings ; 
placed 
among 
Friends 



86 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Moral 
education 
in youths' 
meetings; 



established 
by Bucks 
Quarterly 

Question as 
to early 
school at 
Falls 



It being proposed to this meeting that there is a necessity of some 
Friends being appointed to take care about placing out John Linton's 
children as apprentices, therefore this meeting doth appoint Joseph 
Kirkbride, Thomas Watson, Jr., and Joseph Fell to care about placing 
them out.* 

Another phase of education, more particularly the moral, 
was cared for in the youths' meetings, which were established 
at intervals, usually not more than four or five times during 
the year. It was the practice for the youths' meetings to be 
established by the quarterly meetings, in conjunction with 
representatives of the monthly meetings. In 17 13, Bucks 
Quarterly took up the re-establishment of those within their 
limits, and ordered them accordingly, as the following extract 
states. 

It being thought necessary by this meeting that the youths' meeting 
be once a year at Buckingham, once a year at Bristol and but once a year 
at Falls and once at Middletown, therefore agreed that they be on the 
days .... etc.^ 

To locate the date of the first school at Falls is difficult; 
it seems impossible to do so from the information to be 
gleaned from the records. We may be certain, however, 
that there was a school in the neighborhood at a very early 
date, though we can hardly determine the year. In 1730 the 
following request was made of the meeting : 

Some Friends of Falls Meeting requested to have the use of the old 
schoolhouse, and it wanting repairing, they would repair it at their own 
charge, which is left to be considered at next meeting.^ 

The presence in their vicinity, of an old schoolhouse which, 
moreover, needed repairs before it could be used, would 
indicate that a school had been there for a number of years. 
Taking fifteen years as a very moderate span for the life of 
the building, before it should need any considerable repairs 
we could state with a good degree of assurance that the school 
building had probably been built not later than 1715, and 
that the school daced back to that time at the very latest.''" 



*Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 10 — i — 1714, 195. 

%Iin. Bucks Q. Mtg., 12 — 25 — 1713. 

«Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 7 — 2 — 1730, 282. 

'The fact that Falls Meeting recommended Buckingham Friends to 
build a schoolhouse in 1706 (Bucks Quarterly Records, 3 — 30 — 1706) 
would seem to favor the view that they themselves were supplied. 



Schools of Bucks County 



87 



But at the next meeting this encoimters a very dangerous 
obstruction. That meeting, referring to the request of the 
seventh month, second, speaks of "the request about having 
the old meetinghouse,'" instead of, old schoolhouse.^ It further 
mentions that it was desired for the purpose of a school.^ 
From this it appears that the truth of our above conclusion 
depends upon the accuracy of the records for seventh month, 
second, 1730 and for eighth month, seventh, 1730. If the 
record of the first date is correct our conclusion is unfounded 
and the date for the first established school can probably be 
placed about 1730, or shortly thereafter.^'^ 

The records for the next thirty years reveal but little of the 
activities of the schools in Falls Monthly Meeting, though we 
are led to believe them in continuance, but perhaps not 
regularly. In 1759 the meeting had agreed to allow a house 
to be built on their grounds for the accommodation of a school 
master, but the house was not built there, since Mahlon 
Kirkbride had already purchased some adjoining ground on 
which there was a house built for that purpose." The said 
Kirkbride offered to convey the same property to some 
Friends, in trust for the meeting, and Robert Lucas, Story 
Kirkbride, Mahlon Kirkbride, Jr., Jonathan Palmer, Jr., and 
Edward Bayly, Jr., were appointed to receive the conveyance. 
This is the first record of any permanent benefaction received. 
Ini783 the urgent Advices of the Yearly Meeting being brought 
to their attention, ^^ ^ committee was appointed which 
reported the results of their investigation up to that time in 
the following manner. 

We, the committee appointed, in the first month 1779 respecting the 
institution of schools for the instruction of our children in useful learning, 
having conferred together .... agree to report that we have 
divers times met and had this important matter under our .... 
consideration, and are desirous that this important subject and neces- 
sary care should meet with every proper encouragement and improve- 
ment; and we may inform the meeting that there have been several 
improvements made on the lot of ground lately purchased from Samuel 



«Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 8 — 7 — 1730, 284. 

UUd. 

^^Ihid., 5—4—1733- 

^UUd., I— 31— 1759. 

^UUd., 12— 3— 1783, 358. 



Contradic- 
tion in the 
minutes of 
Falls 



House for 
masters' ac- 
commodation 
proposed in 
1759 

Property 
conveyed to 
trustees for 
use of schcols 



Report of 
school com- 
mittee 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Ground pur- 
chased for 
use of school 



Standing 
committee on 
education 
recom- 
mended; and 
visitation 



Monthly 
meetings' 
committee 
to join 
those of the 
preparatives 



Three schools 
reported 



Individual 
aid 



Rhoads for the advantage of the school and benefit of the master, and 
that the committee have endeavored to encoiu-age and pay for the 
schooling of such poor children as are in the limits of the school kept at 
or near this place whose parents are in low circumstances and are willing 
to accept thereof. We have likewise extended oxn consideration and 
views to the schools belonging to the other preparative meetings, and 
although the circumstances of things at present do not afford so promis- 
ing and encouraging a prospect as we could desire, yet we are desirous 
that every proper encoiu-agement may be afforded to promote the good 
and necessary work, therefore, we are free to propose to the meeting's 
consideration that of having a standing committee appointed for this 
purpose by the monthly meeting, and that each preparative meeting 
should likewise appoint a committee for the like purpose that should 
have this important matter under their consideration in order to pro- 
mote this so necessary care in their respective meetings; and that the 
said meeting's committee should at proper and suitable times visit the 
several preparative meetings' schools and unite with the said preparative 
meetings' committees in affording and giving such help and assistance 
as to them from time to time may appear necessary in order to promote 
this so good and necessary a work and care. Signed at the desire and 
on behalf of the committee, by James Moon.^^ 

In accord with the above report the monthly meeting 
urged each preparative meeting to appoint a committee on 
schools; the monthly meeting named James Moon, John 
Merrick, Jonathan Kirkbride, William Satterthwaite, Wil- 
liam Bidgood, Jr., John Stapler and Joseph Gillingham to 
join with those of the preparatives for that service.^* Five 
months thereafter they reported. 

The three several schools kept within compass of our respective 
preparative meetings are conducted in some measure under the care of a 
committee of Friends appointed for that purpose and that the several 
teachers are members of our society.^^ 

The three preparative meetings were Falls, Makefield, and 
Bristol, the last named being transferred to Middletown in 
1788.^® Wakefield Meeting was considerably assisted by 
help from private sources; they reported to the monthly 
meeting in 1787: 

We hereby inform the monthly meeting that lately there has been a 
house built on the ground belonging to Makefield Preparative Meeting 



"Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 2—4- 
^*Ibid., 3 — 3 — 1784, 366. 
^^Ibid., 8—4—1784, 376. 
i^Bunting, 37. 



-1784, 363. 



Schools of Bucks County 



89 



for the accommodation of a school master, chiefly at the expense of 
Bernard Taylor, which he is desirous should be under use for that pur- 
pose, to be subject to a moderate yearly rent to be paid to Friends of that 
meeting for the use of the said meeting: the said house to be their 
property and under the care and the direction of said meeting with the 
advice and assistance of the Falls Monthly Meeting as occasion may 
require." 

In 1790 a committee of the quarterly meeting was appointed 
to confer with those of the monthly meetings on schools, 
hoping that the union of all might be more productive of 
results than all working separately.^^ In 1794 plans were 
set on foot for a new schoolhouse at Falls Preparative, said 
house to be two stories in height and about twenty-two feet 
by thirty.^^ It was to be placed "near the line" of the 
meeting's land at the west end of the meeting house. The 
monthly meeting was to pay £75, the employers who 
are members, £75, and the school committee £50 from 
the money arising from donations left for the purposes of 
schools. The house was not built until 1799, due to some 
unknown delay ; its dimensions were twenty-four by twenty- 
six feet, one story high, with a cellar of the same dimensions.^" 

In 1797 the attention of the monthly meeting was called 
to the proposals of the yearly meeting for the founding of a 
boarding school.^^ Copies of the printed rules proposed for 
its government had been received, and a committee was 
appointed to distribute them and to take subscriptions from. 
any who were interested to contributed^ 

The problem of school support occupied a considerable 
part of Falls Meeting's time. The means of support were 
here, as in others already mentioned, (i) subscriptions, (2) 
donations and (3) rates. In 1760 it was considered necessary 
to appoint a committee of fourteen members to take an 
inventory of all legacies and donations, lands and benefactions 
which had been left to the meeting.^^ Some had been given 
for definitely stated uses; and others allowed the application 



"Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 8—8—1787, 440. 

^Ubid., 2 — 3 — 1790, 52. 

^^Ibid., 12 — ^3 — 1794, 169. 

^°Ibid., 9 — 4. — 1799, 283. 

2iSee page 73f. 

22Min. Falls Mo, Mtg., 1—4— 1797, 217. 

^Ibid., 4—2 — 1760. 



New building 
proposed at 
Falls; not 
btdlt till later 



Attention 
called to 
the boarding 
school 



Support of 
schools in 
Falls 
Monthly 



go 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



A committee 
to have over- 
sight of 
education of 
the poor 



Rhoads pro- 
poses to sell 
land for a 
school ; 
considered 



to be determined by the members of the meeting. It was the 
will of the assembly that the committee appointed should 
especially detennine what funds might be applied to the use 
of the schools. They reported at the next meeting that the 
legacy left by Elinor Br3nier might be applied to the use of 
schools, along with those given definitely for that purpose.^ 
The method by which the funds were to be applied to that 
use were indicated in the suggestions of the committee at a 
later meeting, as follows : 

We .... are of the opinion that the most that can be done at 
present, will be to appoint Friends to have the care of the schools and to 
examine what poor children may be amongst us, they being the proper 
objects of the charity designated by the givers of the money, and that the 
said Friends have power to agree with a master to teach such children; 
and also to draw orders for the payment thereof out of the interest aris- 
ing from the money appropriated to the use of schools. Nominated 
seven Friends for that service and submitted the names and the report 
to the monthly meeting. The Friends above named are appointed to 
that service with the powers therein mentioned and are desired to lay an 
account before the monthly meeting at least once in each year and of tener 
if the meeting shall see fit to call for it.^^ 

Such a plan as here indicated was consistently followed 
throughout the century in regard to school support. The 
interest on legacies had to be paid annually.^^ 

In 1 78 1 the meeting was advised that Samuel Rhoads of 
Philadelphia had offered to sell four acres of ground adjoin- 
ing the schoolhouse lot, to be used for the promotion of the 
school, and the benefit of the schoolmasters. ^'^ The con- 
sideration asked was £60, and Rhoads and his two brothers- 
in-law, Joseph Pemberton and Samuel Pleasants, offered to 
donate £20, making it cost the meeting but £40. The 
committee on school support was directed to consider this 
proposal. Bristol Preparative also received very valuable 
assistance for the use of poor children's schooling, in the 
bequest of £50 Pennsylvania currency which was left them 
by John Baldwin of Philadelphia. ^^ The great concern of 



\ 



^^Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 5 — 7 — 1760. 
^^Ihid., 7 — 2 — 1760. 
^^Ihid., 9—6—1780, 278. 
""Ihid., 10 — 3 — 1781, 304. 
^Uhid., 9—3—1783, 354- 



Schools of Bucks County 



91 



the meeting for the best expenditure of these donations for 
educating not only the poor Whites but also the Negroes, is 
seen in their minute of 1787.^^ Careful accoimt was kept and 
the accounts frequently audited, sometimes at the request of 
individuals.^" In 1790 the committee reported their concerns 
as follows: 

We the committee appointed by the monthly meeting to have the care 
of schooUng poor children; also to have the distribution of the interests 
accruing on the several donations given for that use, have given atten- 
tion to the service to which we were appointed: and the schooling a 
considerable number of children has accordingly been paid for, but as it 
is allowed that a change of the teacher at times may be useful or advan- 
tageous to a school, we are united in the sentiment that if such a change 
was to take place in the school kept at this place, it would be a means 
whereby the school might be considerably enlarged and the design and 
end of the several donations left for the use of the said school more fully 
answered. (Report submitted and accepted and the committee con- 
tinued to the ftirther service. )^i 

The establishment of these permanent funds was fre- 
quently expressed by the numerous committees as the most 
important consideration for the execution of the school idea. 
They attempted again and again to provide a uniform means 
of establishing such funds, but due to the unequal circum- 
stances of the several meetings it was impossible to do so.^^ 
The uniform plan was kept as an ideal to be striven for and 
recommended to the quarterly meeting for its advisement in 
the matter ;^^ in the meantime individual contributions were 
urged on all who felt inclined to endow a worthy cause.* 
The amounts given were frequent though small, many of them 
being about £5.^* 

In addition to the local expenses of the meetings, (i) for 
worship, (2) for the use of schools, (3) for the maintenance of 
the poor, etc., there were also quotas to be raised for the yearly 
meeting stock, which added materially to the burden of each 



Report of 
committee on 
education of 
the poor 



Establish- 
ment of 
funds of 
basic im- 
portance 



29Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 12 — 5 — 1787, 444. 
^°Ibid., II — 4 — 1789, 19. 
^^Ibid., 8 — 4 — 1790, 41. 
^Ubid., 7— 6— 1 79 1, 68. 

*Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 12 — 6 — 1797, 238. 

^^Ibid. ^^Ibid., 10 — 5 — 1796, 210. 



92 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Financial 
status of 
Falls at end 
of century 



Middletown 



School re- 
quested in 
Middletown 
meeting 
house 



of the preparative meetings. The quota for the meetings 
belonging to Falls in 1797 was £500.^^ 

If we may look over the Quaker treasurer's shoulder as he 
runs his accounts at the end of the century, we find him 
situated financially as follows: 

We the committee appointed to examine and settle the Treasurer's 
accounts, having attended thereto, find a balance in his hands of 
£136/8/11 school money; also, £3/10/7 poor money; and £9/00/00 of 
interest received on John Large's legacy, making the whole £148/19/6, 
in the treasurer's hands, and the monies upon interest stand as in the 
following statement, viz. 



Bonds for School Money 
bond for 

legacy without a bond " 
bond for 



Included in a bond of £75 



Interest due on school money 

And one year's rent on house and lot 

And one year's rent on house and lot 



£250/ 

£7/9/4^ 

£50 

£50 

£50 

£130 

£100 

£50 
£40 
£40 

£777/9/4^^ 



£40/00/11 
£12/00/00 
£12/00/00'® 



The Middletown Meeting began its educational work more 
promptly than did Falls. ^'^ Ten years after the first establish- 
ment of the meeting a request was brought forward as 
follows : 

Some Friends have signified the Itkeliness of having a schoolmaster 
hereabouts to instruct children and also requested that they might have 
the privilege to teach in the meeting house, to which this meeting does 
give their free consent, provided it be no hindrance to Friends Meetings.'* 

It is quite probable that the school established as requested, 
was a temporary and irregular affair, depending on the will 



'^Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 2 — 5 — 1797, 238.' ^^Ibid., 11 — 6 — 1799 — 288. 
'■'References for Middletown are to their transcribed minutes in the 
Pub. of Gen. Soc. of Pa., H. S. P. 
38G. S. P. P., No. 66, p. 64. 



Schools of Bucks County 



93 



of the individual patrons. Certainly, it had not any official 
connection with the meeting, and probably did not have for 
many years. In 1699, a request similar to that of 1693 was 
made by Thomas Stackhouse and others, desiring the use of 
the meeting house for a schoolmaster,^^ which implies they 
had not advanced much beyond their state of 1693. This 
request was hkewise granted, provided no hindrance be 
caused to the meetings. 

Because of very inadequate records in this regard, much is 
left to be surmised concerning the continuation of the schools 
thus early begim. The meeting was in continual touch with 
the desires and proposals of the yearly meeting,^" and it does 
not seem justifiable to suppose that education languished, 
because scant records of it remain. The general tone of their 
minutes is one of self-satisfaction, and implies that they 
themselves were well pleased with their state. The elaborate 
recommendations of the yearly meeting in 1750^^ did not 
meet with their approval as they thought it quite impossible 
for those members living remote in the country districts.'*^ 
That they disagreed with the plan indicates neither a lack of 
interest in the subject, nor a lack of schools in their locality. 
Rather, it may indicate the opposite. 

In 1755 there was made the first donation to a permanent 
foundation for a free school.^ At a meeting in that year an 
extract of Adam Barker's will was produced, where it 
appeared he had, 

given a sum of money to them with others in trust to be employed 
toward raising a fund for settling and maintaining a Free School under 
the care and direction of this meeting . . . shall and will therewith 
purchase an annuity or yearly ground rent, or in such other manner as 
they may think most proper employ the said sum (£40) towards raising 
a fund for settling and maintaining a Free School in Middletown afore- 
said, under the direction and control of the monthly Meeting of Friends 
there.« 

Whether there was a new school erected as a result of the 
bequest or whether it was turned to the use of one alread}'- 



Again 
requested 



Middletown 
not in har- 
mony with 
yearly meet- 
ing's pro- 
posals 



Donation 
1755 for a 
free school 



Under con- 
trol of 
monthly 
meeting 



39J. S. P. P., I— I— 1699, 114. 

^Uhid., 10 — 6 — 1772, 407; I — 7 — 1733, 578. 

^^Advices of the Burlington and Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 250. 

^Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 6 — i — 1751, 679. 

^IHd., 8—7—1755, II. 



94 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



All details 
under the 
care of a 
committee 
on schools 



New com- 
mittee 
appointed 



Activities 
of the com- 
mittee not 
effective 



existing does not appear; the latter suggestion is much the 
more probable. The advices of 1777 and 1778 and the years 
following aroused the members to the responsibilities which 
they must accept. In 1779 they made report as follows: 

Although it appears that the education of the youth has been too 
much neglected, we believe there is an increasing care that Friends may 
be more careful in that weighty concern.*^ 

And in 1870: 

We believe a good degree of care is taken by some in regard to the 
education of those under their care, and that an increase in that is 
necessary.^5 

All questions in regard to schools or educational affairs 
whatsoever were dismissed simimarily, and given to the 
charge of the committee on schools.^^ A committee reported 
in 1782 that nothing had been done more than to visit the 
school they already had.^'' The failure to bring forth results 
may have been with the committee; at any rate the meeting 
decided to try a new one. 

This meeting taking into consideration the several matters recom- 
mended in the extracts .... respecting the education of the 
youth and their school tuition, are of the opinion that a reappointment 
on those important subjects is necessary; wherefore, Woolston J. 
Paxson, W. Blakeley, J. Watson and R. Hartshorne are appointed as 
committee to those services, and they are desired to closely attend 
thereto in order that the present and former advices may be carried as 
fully into execution as possible.** 

In 1785 this committee reported that visits had been made 
to families in the interests of education but that little was 
effected.*^ The committee was released and the considera- 
tion of education left to the next meeting,^" at which a new 
committee of three was appointed. This one, so far as their 
record goes, was neither more active nor more successful than 
the others. In 1788 they report ' ' nothing much has been done 
in respect to schools since last year," which report was sent 



^Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 8 — 5 — 1779, 445. 

^Uhid., 8—3—1780, 481. 

^Hbid., 9—7—1780, 484; 8—7—1783, 557. 

"Ubid., 8— I— 1782, 537. 

*^Ibid., 12 — 4 — 1783, 562. 

*Hbid., I— 6— 1785, 586. 



Schools of Bucks County 



95 



to the yearly meeting.^^ The record is not complete to the 
end of the century, but for the period considered does not 
offer any evidence of more than passing educational interest 
and activity. Nothing unusual is to be noted in the finance 
and support of the school at Middletown. Mention was 
made of Barker's will, which, it seems, was the first legacy 
left to its benefit.52 

The attention of the meeting was early given to the care 
of the orphans and the poor, and especially to their satisfac- 
tory placement among people as apprentices. The following 
from the records for 1699 will serve for illustration. 

It is agreed and concluded upon by this meeting that the meeting take 
care of all Friends children that are left as orphans and unsettled, to 
inspect and see that all such be taken care of and settled in the best and 
siiitablest manner according to their capacity, that thereby they may 
discharge their duty and all such be eased by taking such due care. . , . 

The attention of Buckingham Meeting was also turned 
toward the education of apprentices, and careful scrutiny 
given those who removed to apprentice themselves else- 
where, as also those who removed to Buckingham Meeting. 
In 1764 Mahlon Michener, son of John, removed his certifi- 
cate to Philadelphia, "having been placed as apprentice" in 
the vicinity of that meeting.^^ John Parry, minor, an appren- 
tice to Thomas Fell, blacksmith, produced a certificate in 
Abington Monthly,^* which was accepted and also that of 
Isaac Gommere from the same place.^^ The poor were pro- 
vided for by the legacy left for that purpose by John Holcomb 
in 1749.^® Whether this might, a part of it, have been spent 
for schooling is not known. 

In 1755 there was a minute entered in the records to the 
effect that a legacy had been left to Buckingham by their 
deceased friend Adam Harker, for the purpose of establishing 
a free school in that place.^'^ The amount of the bequest was 
the same (£40) as that left to the Middletown Meeting by 



siMin, Middletown Mo. Mtg., 8—7—1788, 668. 

^^See page 93. 

^Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg. Extracts, 7 — 2 — 1764, 114. 

^^lUd., 5—4—1772, 155. 

^^Ibid., 9 — 2 — 1776, 179. 

^^Ibid., 2 — 3 — 1749, 61. 

'Ubid., 5—5—1755. 79- 



Care of poor 
orphan ; ap- 
prenticing 



Buckingham 

Apprentices ; 
care in their 
certification 



Harker 
legacy for a 
free school 



96 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Committee 
appointed 
on schools 



Visiting 
schools 
required 



Committee's 
recommenda- 
tions 



Harker.^^ This was the first bequest for definite school pur- 
poses; the indications are that many followed. In 1778, a 
minute gives their financial status as £244/4/ii>^ and they 
entertained a proposition and concluded to raise £500 more.^* 
At the same time, the recommendations from the yearly 
meeting being read,^° a committee of the following persons 
was appointed for investigation and assistance on the subject 
of schools, viz.: Paul Preston, Joseph Watson, Joseph 
Preston, John Gillingham, Benjamin Paxson, Benjamin 
Kinsey, Thomas Watson, Joseph Eastbum, John Kjnsey, 
John Balderston, Jonathan Shaw, Benjamin Cutler, Thomas 
Good, Jr., John Brown, and Robert Kirkbride.^^ The action 
of this committee is not brought out in the minutes of the 
meeting. 

The quarterly meeting made a new appeal in 1780 for a 
more decided action by the various tributary meetings which 
was followed by the appointment of a new committee.^^ 
They were requested to "visit the school" for the "help and 
assistance" of the master and to report their action to a 
future meeting. In the twelfth month of the same year they 
made these recommendations: 

The committee appointed for the proper establishment and regulation 
of schools made report in writing that it is their sense and judgment that 
the monthly meeting should recommend to the particular meetings 
severally, to promote subscriptions toward the setting up and building 
upon their meeting's lands as may be convenient for schoolhouses and 
such conveniences as may accommodate settled persons who live near 
the same, as also to encourage their contributions toward making up 
funds or salaries for the constant support of schools therein which is 
recommended to the preparative meetings.^' 

A new committee was appointed in 1784.^^ They con- 
vened with the committees of the preparatives and discussed 
the recommendations and means suggested by the yearly 
meeting. Their conclusion was to the effect that one thing 
in the recommendations was absolutely necessary, namely, 



^^See page 93. 

^''Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 7 — 1778, 194. 

^"Advices, 250. 

*'Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 7 — 1778, 194. 

^^Ibid., 9 — 4 — 1780, 206. 

^Ibid., 12 — 13 — 1780, 210. 

^^Ibid., I— 5— 1784, 234. 



Schools of Bucks County 



97 



that all funds, legacies, properties, etc., provided for the 
schools, should be vested in trustees for that purpose.^^ 
Without taking this step they saw no way to attain even the 
least success. It was further suggested that the trustees or 
committee thus appointed should investigate the present 
houses for schools, their condition and location, in each of the 
partictdar meetings, that a wiser plan might be followed in 
locating the new ones. The meeting considering the report 
decided to adopt its suggestions and accordingly appointed 
thirteen men, 

to inspect into the state of such schools as are now kept and where it 
may be necessary, to promote others, 

and make a report as soon as possible.^^ Its report, produced 
in the first month, 1785, was quite long. Only the essential 
points of it are given in the following digest.^' 

1. Most of the committee appointed met and decided to 
confirm the former committee's report. 

2. We find that there are many schooUiouses within the 
bounds that include the members of the meeting. 

a. These are not well situated for the service of schools. 

h. Some are well situated, however, as (i) one on land 
granted by Samuel Eastbum and vested in the 
school trustees, (2) one on land granted by Thomas 
Goode, vested in members of the meeting, but not 
in trust for the meeting. 

3. They suggest that these two houses be used as pre- 
viously and that new houses be erected not more than three 
rniles apart. 

4. They maintain an uncertain state has prevailed among 
the schools. 

5. The following places are recommended for new schools 
to be built: 

a. At the schooUiouse near Samuel Eastbum's. 

h. On the work road between William Jitchin's and 

Thomas Rose's. 
c. On the road from Newtown to Coryell's Ferry. 



Appointment 
of trustees 
necessary 



Summary of 
committee's 
report of 
1785 



^*Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 3 — i — 1784, 236. 
^''Ibid., I — 3 — 1785, 317. 



98 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



New school 
property of 
Solebury 
and Buck- 
ingham 



Problem of 

ftmds 

attacked 



Subscription 

form 

presented 



d. At the intersection of the lower work road and the 
street road. 

e. Near the south side of Watson Weldin's land. 

f. On Durham Road near Thomas Gilbert's. 

g. On Plumstead's Meeting House land. 

h. And at the schooUiouse near Thomas Goode's.^^ 
It was thought such divisions would as nearly answer the 
needs as rivers and mountains would permit, and would 
provide for all of Buckingham territory and a little of Wrights- 
town. Any variation from this proposed building plan was 
desired to be brought before the committee for their judg- 
ment and acquiescence. In accordance with this suggestion 
the Friends of Solebury (1785) requested the assistance and 
advice of the committee in locating their school which they 
desired in a different place from that previously suggested by 
the committee. They conferred with the committee and 
finding their choice of site as good as could be obtained, it was 
agreed to build the new house on the southeast comer of 
Hugh Ely's land, of Solebury.^^ In 1786 Solebury Friends 
requested a committee of the monthly meeting to be named 
to whom they might give a title for the land.'" In 1793 
Buckingham was permitted to build a school on the meeting 
house land, the meeting to be in charge of the said school.''^ 
Having settled thus satisfactorily a systematic method of 
getting the schools located, they addressed themselves to the 
task of raising school funds.''^ A committee of eleven mem- 
bers was appointed, which, four months later, reported a plan 
of subscription paper to be used in getting funds for purchas- 
ing lands and buildings.^^ The plan as reported and approved 
by the monthly meeting was the following: 

We the subscribers do hereby engage to pay or cause to be paid unto 
A. B. the several sums annexed to our names to be applied to the use of 
purchasing a lot of land of C. D. and building a schoolhouse thereon, the 
property and government to belong entirely to the society of the people 
called Quakers and under the direction of the Monthly Meeting of 



B^Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., i — 3 — 1785, 317. 

^^Ibid., 3 — 7 — 1785, 244. 

""^Ibid., 2—6—1786, 252. 

''Ubid., 6 — 3 — 1793, 306. 

''Ubid., 6 — 6—1785, 247. 

''^Ibid., 10 — 3 — 1785, 249. 



Schools of Bucks County 



99 



Buckingham, the title of which is to be wholly vested in the trustees 
appointed by the said monthly meeting. The rules and orders of the 
school when erected is to be prescribed by the aforesaid monthly meet- 
ings or a committee thereof consistent with our religious principles, and 
that no tutor shall be permitted to teach in said school until .... 
approved by the monthly meeting or a committee of the aforesaid. 

In 1790 the state of schools in the monthly meeting was 
given as follows: 

It appears that preparatory to the plan pointed out by the yearly 
meeting last year, there are two schoolhouses under the direction of this 
meeting. Schools in general among us, both as to tutors and to school 
government, are in a better state than they formerly were; and some 
property has been vested in the meeting towards a fund for the use 
of schools.^* 

The form of subscription above mentioned was used for 
raising funds till 1793 when a committee on schools incor- 
porated it with a few other suggestions in their plans.'^ 
These may be summarized as follows: 

1. Each contributor to subscribe a principal sum. 

2. All sums to be lumped together and invested in trus- 
tees, accountable to the monthly meeting. 

3 . All interests to be paid annually and applied each year 
to the schools in the compass of the monthly meeting. 

4. All tutors to be members of Friends. 

5. Funds to be first apphed to the schooling of poor 
Friends' children, their necessities to be judged by the 
monthly meeting. 

6. The remainder to be appHed equally to the payment 
for other children, proportionate to the time they attend 
school.^^ 

7. Interest to continue till the principal is paid. 

8. All principals paid in are to be invested or "put to use" 
by the trustees. 

The total number of subscriptions listed up to date was 
117; the total amount subscribed was £759; the individual 
subscriptions varied from £1 to £25.''^ The meeting also 



■'^Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 8 — 2 — 1790, 283. 

''^Ihid., 4 — I — 1793, 302. 

''^Ibid., 5 — 5 — 1794, 315. (It was in 1794 suggested that any surplus 
be used for the bound apprentices of members, though they were not 
themselves members of the meeting.) 

''''Ibid., 4 — I — 1793, 302. 



State of 
schools in 
1790 



Summary of 
later form 
used for 
subscription 



Amount of 
subscriptions 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Special 

committee on 
school- 
masters 

Wrights town 



Progress 

slow; reasons 



succeeded in getting such former donations, as Harker's 
legacy, appropriated to this permanent fund.''^ 

In 1796 Jeremiah Praul, Joseph Yerkes, and Benjamin 
Kite were appointed to have the care of receiving all applica- 
tions from prospective masters, and in case of vacancies to 
seek and have ready a list of available and well-quaHfied 
members/^ 

One can hardly attempt to place a date for the beginning 
of the schools in Wrightstown Meeting. But by a report 
made late in the eighteenth century (1792) we gather a very 
good idea of the state of schools in that locality. The cause 
of the rather halting progress is perhaps foiuid in the latter 
part of this committee's report, which states that the best 
plan conceived is for each particiilar meeting to raise its own 
subscription for its own school, ^° which in part was right, 
but more direction on the part of the monthly meeting would 
doubtless have produced better results. The report of 1792 
is here submitted. 

We the committee appointed to take into consideration the state of 
schools within the limits of this meeting, after having several times met 
and attended to our appointment, find the main cause why our schools 
are so unsettled and so frequently occupied by unqualified teachers is 
the want of sufficient salaries to make tuition an object of employment 
worthy the attention of those who are or may be best qualified to dis- 
Want of money charge that trust; having duly investigated that subject it plainly 
to pay quahfied appears very few amongst us who are interested in schools are of ability 
teachers to ad stance money towards raising a fund on any other consideration 

than that of immediately receiving the benefit thereof; we are, there- 
fore, of opinion nothing affords a fairer prospect of promoting the work 
than for separate neighborhoods to enter subscriptions for raising funds 
for the support and establishment of their own particular schools, which 
was read and refeired to the consideration of next meeting. ^^ 

In 1793 the extracts from the yearly meeting being read 
and especially those concerned with the establishment of 
schools, it was decided to appoint a committee "to endeavor 
to promote that ser^dce as recommended," and make a report 
that might be sent to the yearly asembly.^^ 



'%Iin. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 2 — 3 — 1794, 310.J 

''^Ibid., 12 — 5 — 1796, 332. 

8"Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 8—7—1792, 88. 

^^Ibid., I — 8 — 1793, 96. 



Schools of Bucks County 



lOI 



In 1790 a committee was appointed to look after the state 
of various legacies which had been left from time to time for 
the "support of a free school."^ This committee made 
report shortly thereafter that the amount of the principals 
and interest at the time was £248/13/10.^* A question 
arose as to the proper application of the interest on a legacy- 
left by Jonathan Abbitt and others, and was referred to the 
school committee. They decided it might be expended for 
the schooling of Friends' children in straightened circum- 
stances, provided they be taught in a school kept in Wrights- 
town.^* 

A number of other legacies were granted from time to time 
for the encouragement of a free school, among them being 
one by Adam Harker (£40),^^ who had also benefitted 
Middletown and Buckingham, and that of David Buckman, 
the text of which is given below. 

I give and bequeath to Isaac Wiggins of the township of North- 
hampton, David Buckman and James Briggs of the township of New- 
town, and Joseph Hampton and Isaac Chapman of the township of 
Wrightstown, all in the County of Bucks, and the survivors of them, the 
sum of £50 in gold or silver currency in trust .... place the same 
at interest on real security or therewith purchase an annuity or ground- 
rent or such other method as they may think proper for securing the 
same and apply the interest thereof as the same shall thereafter be 
received, towards the establishing and maintaining a free school in 
Wrightstown aforesaid near the meeting house for the instruction of 
Friends children belonging to the monthly meeting of Friends in 
Wrightstown, in useful learning, and the said school to be under the care 
and direction of the monthly meeting aforesaid. ^^ 

In 1 791 a committee presented a report on the status of 
legacies, which is given herewith in shortened form. 
I. The will of David Twining. 

I give to the monthly meeting of Friends at Wrightstown the sum of 
five pounds to be applied towards a Free School in Wrightstown, near 
the meeting house, that is under the direction and care of Friends. 



Committee 
on school 
legacies, etc., 
reports 
£248/13/10 



Buckman's 
will 



Digest of 
report on 
legacies at 
Wrightstown 



8^Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 10 — 5 — 1790, 57. 
^'^Ibid., 12 — 7 — 1790, 60. 
^^Ibid., I — 4 — 1 79 1, 62. 

^^The Harker legacy at this time had increased to £183/4/4 (see 
Wrightstown Minutes, 10 — 2 — 1792, 92). 
^Ubid., 9 — 6 — 1791, 71. 



I02 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Funds in 
chaotic state 



Richland 



date of 
school 



Endowment 
for use 
of poor 



2. A committee of six suggested to take the said legacy 
and apply its interest to the said school. 

3. Report of a committee on Adam Harker's will. 

All trustees have died without having made any purchase of any 
groundrent or annuity for the purpose aforementioned. 

4. The trustees appointed by David Buckman, deceased, 
in his last will and testament to have the care of a legacy of 
£50 given by the said David to this meeting for establishing 
a Free School in Wrightstown, report that they have received 
said legacy and put it out to interest on a mortgage bearing 
date the seventeenth day of the third month last.^* 

In 1799 a legacy of £30 was left to Wrightstown Meeting 
"to be laid out in the education of poor children in the school 
house on the meeting house land."^^ From later records 
running into the first two decades of the next century, it 
appears that the state of the donations was never gotten into 
very good shape. When they came into the hands of the 
trustees in 1822 they were "indistinguishable one from 
another," so far as the purposes for which each was intended. 
At the time when some of the bequests were made there was a 
large stone schoolhouse standing on the meeting's grounds to 
which they alluded in their wills. ^° This building was torn 
down about 181 5 and two schools set up, one two miles above 
the meeting house, and the other about three-quarters of a 
mile below it. The total amount of the legacies had in- 
creased by 1822 to about $6,800.^^ 

Richland Monthly Meeting (1742), the latest of all in 
Bucks County to be established, with which we are now 
dealing, belonged to the Abington Quarter (whose limits 
were chiefly in Montgomery County). The school, its date 
of beginning not known (probably in 1742),* was early 
endowed with legacies left voluntarily and primarily for the 
education of the poor; the first one of considerable worth was 
that of Morris Morris. An extract from the minutes shows 
that. 



s^Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 9 — 5 — 1791, 83! 
^Hbid., 5—7—1799, 233- 
^^Ibid., 254. 

*Wickersham, 83. 



Schools of Bucks County 103 

At this meeting were exhibited two bonds for two sums of money- 
amounting in the whole to £100, it being a free and generous donation 
given by our ancient Friend, Morris Morris, for the use and encourage- 
ment of a school to be kept at or near this meeting house, which bonds 
are legally executed to the Friends heretofore appointed as trustees for 
this meeting, who are to take care from time to time to lay out the 
interest arising from the said donation for procuring necessary learning 
for such poor Friends' children who may be the most proper objects 
of such charitable help and the said trustees to render yearly account to 
this meeting of their service in the said distribution. '^ 

This beginning was increased in 1796 by £20 granted from 
the estate of Edward Roberts. ^^ The following record from a 
school account book of legacies, known as the "Jonathan 
Walton Fund" is cited, which indicates the manner of the 
school expenditures: 

1792 — for schooling 

to Jesse Foulke 15/10/00 

to Jonathan Carr i/io/oo 

to ditto 7/00 

to Abraham Walton 16/6/00 

to Jesse Foulke 1/10/7 

to John Nash 5/oo 

to Jesse Hicks 1/2/6 

1793— 

to Jonathan Carr 7/6 

to Nathan Walton 5/4 

to Sam Norris 2/12/11 

to Abraham Walton 18/7 

to Jesse Hicks 15/00 

to Samuel Norris 3/6/3>^ 

Paid to Daniel B. Ayres for teaching children 2/1/8 

3/2/2 

Paid for teaching and books 2/1/4^^ 



Items of 
expenditure 
for schooling 
in Richland 



SUMMARY 

The establishment of schools of Falls, Middletown, 
Wrightstown, Buckingham, and Richland meetings is dis- 
cussed in this chapter. Their first activity was to establish 
youths' meetings and look after the placing of apprentices. 
The date of the first school at Falls is not determined, though 

»2Min. Richland Mo. Mtg., i — 21 — 1762. 
^^Ibid., 12 — 21 — 1769. 
^^Expenditures, J. Walton Fund, I, i. 



The meetings 



Falls 



I04 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Permanent 

property 

acquired 

Three schools 
reported 

Middletown 

First school 
in meeting 
house 

Free school 
endowed 



Buckingham 



Flan for build- 
ings and 
support 



Wrightstown 



One school 
under monthly 
meeting 



Richland 

Total number 
of schools 



the educational activity appears to have been on a par with 
other meetings. In 1759 property was conveyed to trustees 
for the use of the school, and at various dates thereafter. A 
school committee reported three schools, one in each prepara- 
tive, in 1784. The usual m.eans of support were employed. 
The school money amounted in 1799 to £777/9/4^2. 

Middletown's first school was held in the meeting house, in 
accord with a pennit granted by Friends. The real progress 
of schools among them is not determined, though we know 
that they are supplied with schools. It is likely, judging 
from the nature of the committee's reports, that they did not 
meet the standards set by the yearly meeting. The free 
school, endowed with £40 in 1755 by Harker, was to be under 
care of the monthly meeting. 

Buckingham meeting assumed a regular care in the appren- 
ticing of children, and, Hke Middletown, was endowed by 
Adam Harker. A school committee was appointed in 1778, 
and the visiting of schools required. An unusual plan for 
building schooUiouses was devised in 1785 ; and also a scheme 
for school support in 1785 which was improved in 1793. A 
special committee of two men had charge of emplo^dng 
masters Two schools are reported as under the care of the 
meetings' committee, in 1790. 

The cause for the apparently slow progress of Wrightstown 
concerning schools lay chiefly in a lack of permanent funds. 
Back of this, there seem_s to have been a failure on the part of 
the monthl\^ meeting to unite and direct the acti\dties of its 
preparatives, for the individual contributions were consider- 
able. Though ' 'schools" are mentioned in the minutes, it seems 
most likely that only the one at Wrightstown was in reality a 
school of the m.onthly meeting. 

Little is discovered concerning the Richland school save 
that it was endowed in 1762 by Morris. The account books 
of the Walton fund show that the children were schooled at 
the expense of the meeting. 

There were probably eight schools regularly established in 
the five monthly meetings. 



CHAPTER VI 



SCHOOLS IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 



Following the procedure in the preceding chapter, the 
establishment of schools in Montgomery County will be 
treated (i) under the head of the monthly meetings in whose 
limits they were located and (2) in the order of the time of 
settlement. The m.onthly meetings in Montgomery County 
and their dates of establishment are as follows: (i) Abing- 
ton, 1683; (2) Gwynedd, set off from Radnor, located in 
present Delaware County, 17 14, and (3) Horsham, set off 
from Abington in 1782.^ In connection with the schools 
established in Montgomery County will also be considered 
briefly the same activity of Warrington Monthly Meeting 
(York County), which belongs at present to Baltimore Yearly 
Meeting. Warrington was established as a monthly meeting 
in 1747,^ being set off from that of Sadsbiiry. Brief mention 
is made of Westland Meeting. 

The first records left by Abington Meeting, which relate 
particularly to any phase of education, are those in reference 
to the establishment of youths' meetings. It is implied by 
these minutes that nothing was done in this regard till about 
1695, when. 

It was agreed upon . . . that four friends belonging to this monthly 
meeting be asked to take care of the Youth belonging to each meeting 
as concerning their orderly walking . . . according to the good 
advice of Friends, in an epistle from the Yearly Meeting at Burlington 
1694, wherefore . . . men appointed.^ 

This apparently resulted in an agreement that the youths' 
meetings should be established at the home of Richard 



^Bunting, 23, 26, 25, respectively; also, first volumes of the respective 
records. 

^See abstracts of Warrington Records, H. S. P. Library; Prowell, 
Hist. York County, I, 112. 

^Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 2 — 29 — 1695, 25. 

(105) 



The meetings 



Abington 

Youths' 
meetings 



io6 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Established 



Youths' 
meetings 
shifted often 



Land deeded 
for meeting 
and school 



Meeting 
house built 



Worrall.* It is to be inferred that considerable attention was 
given to this earliest phase of education. In 1699 the Friends 
of Abington urged: 

Those Friends that are appointed to inspect into the behavior of the 
youth and their respective meetings; that they may be stirred to dis- 
charge their places, and to give account to the monthly meeting.^ 

The youths' meetings were not of permanent foundation, 
and their date for meeting was shifted frequently, which gave 
them characteristic irregularity.^ The purposes to be 
secured by the youths' meetings were chiefly moral."' 

The gift of property for the foundation of Abington Friends' 
School dates back to 1697.^ The donor, John Barnes, had 
purchased 250 acres adjoining the tract possessed by Sarah 
Fuller, receiving patent for the same on June ist, 1684.^ 
Shortly after this he added to his possessions also the tract 
formerly possessed by Sarah Fuller.^" From this total (600 
acres) he deeded one hundred and thirty acres on Feb. 5th, 
1696, to the use of a meeting house and schooUiouse for the 
Friends of Abington Meeting.* The tract lies about ten 
miles north of the city of Philadelphia. The Abington 
School, thus possessing such a large heritage and firm founda- 
tion in a material way, at least is a close rival of the Penn 
Charter School of Philadelphia, the petition for which was 
presented to the Council 1697-8,** and whose first charter was 
granted in 1701.^^ 

The exact date when a school was first held in property on 
this land cannot be determined. The meeting house on the 
newly acquired lands was built between the years 1697 and 
1700, with assistance from the meeting at Philadelphia. It 
is probable that a school may have been taught at the meeting 
house for a time as that custom was followed in many other 



■•Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., i — 29 — 1697, 30. 

^Ibid., I — 27 — 1699, 35. 

'^Ibid., 8 — 25 — 1703, 48. 

■'See page 172. 

^Bean, 679; also, Friends Intelligencer, 8 — 15 — li. 

Hbid., 679. 

^'^Ibid. 

* Friends Intelligencer, 8 — 15 — 1896, 539. 

**Col. Rec. I, 499. 

I'See pp. 47-52. 



5, 539. 



Schools in Montgomery County 



107 



meetings, ^^ but this is a mere probability. The best evidence 
of a school at an early date is that relating to Jacob Taylor 
who, about 1701, was "concerned in a school at Abington," 
but was to be asked to take the management of a land office.^^ 
Mr. Bean, writing in the local history of Montgomery County, 
says that Jacob Taylor was land surveyor from 1706 to 1733.^^ 
That he was engaged in teaching during the entire period 
from 1 70 1 to 1706 we do not know, but it is quite probable 
that he was the first schoolmaster who taught in a regularly 
established school. 

In 1722, referring to the bequest of land by John Barnes, 
the minute of the monthly meeting states : 

Whereas John Barnes deceased, having given a legacy or yearly 
income towards maintaining of a school at Abington . . . and in the 
said deed of trust to Friends, he left this meeting in power to choose a 
trustee when any Friends that were intrusted did remove or decease. 
Now seeing Thomas Canby being one intrusted is removed into the 
County of Bucks, this meeting does appoint Richard Martin to act in 
his room.15 

In 1726 Thomas Fletcher was chosen to act as one of the 
trustees of the said donation and the school affairs, in the 
place of his deceased father, Robert Fletcher. ^^ Everard 
Bolton's place (deceased) was filled by Nicholas Austen as 
trustee in 1727.^'' In 1742 Abington Friends took a deed of 
conveyance of Thom.as Canby for the land and premises 
belonging to their school and meeting house.^^ Besides the 
bequest of Barnes already mentioned, there were several 
others which deserve mention. In 1749 a committee 
appointed to investigate the donation left to the meeting by 
William Carter in his last will and testament, reported they 
had attended to it, and produced to the meeting an extract 
from the will before mentioned. ^^ Quoting from the Abing- 
ton records the purpose of the will was given to be as follows : 



Jacob Taylor 
concerned in 
a school 



Taylor, land 
surveyor 



Land in care 
of trustees 



Carter's 
donation 



i^See pp. 93 and 136. 

1^2 Pa. Archives, XIX, 24"^. 

"Bean, 680. 

i^Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., i — 26 — 1722, 124. 

^^Ibid., 8 — 31 — 1726, 149. 

^''Ihid., II — 29 — 1727, 155. 

^^Ibid., 6 — 30 — 1742, 249. 

^^Ibid., I — 27 — 1749, 50. 



io8 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Expenditure 
of funds in 
charge of 
committees 



Funds 

requested for 
schooling 
children 



How dis- 
tributed 



. . . two certain yearly groundrents one of six, the other of four 
pounds, are invested in trustees, in order that the same may be con- 
veyed, and ... as this meeting shall think fit to appoint to the 
intent and purpose that the same shall be annually laid on and expended 
in the pay for the schooling and teaching of such whose parents or over- 
seers ... in the verge of this meeting are not able to pay for them, 
or the relief of the poor of this meeting, when and as such poor children 
are not to be found. . . 2" 

The details of the expenditure of money left for such pur- 
poses were taken care of usually by the overseers of the poor 
and also by the school committee, whose duty it was to 
inquire in each of the preparative meetings concerning chil- 
dren who might be in need of help and whether they would be 
willing to accept assistance. Their investigations were 
reported to the monthly meeting to be considered before any 
expenditures were made.^^ If they were satisfactory to the 
meeting, disbursements were then ordered to the preparatives 
according to their needs as stated.^^ The preparative meet- 
ing was also free to make a voluntary request for a part of any 
fund for aid to poor children, if they desired to do so. In 
1760, 

Horsham Friends requested the sum of four pounds of Carter's legacy 
towards the schooling of a poor child; this meeting orders that our 
treasturer do pay them that sum.^^ And again, the present treasurer, 
Joshua Morris, is ordered to pay to Thomas Lloyd a sum of eight pounds 
to defray the charges of dieting Joseph Kirk, a poor Friend's child, 
belonging to Horsham Meeting, who is put to school at the charge of 
Horsham Meeting.^* 

It was not always necessary to bring the cases to the 
monthly meeting to be decided whether aid should be given 
or withheld. It occurred often that the funds were appor- 
tioned to the various preparatives, monthly or quarterly 
meetings and their representatives allowed to apply it 
according to their judgment.^^ In 1766 those appointed to 
view the accounts of the treasurer of Abington Meeting made 



^oMin. Abington Mo. Mtg., i — 27 — 1749, 50. 

^Ubid., I— 30— 1755, 148. 

^Hhid., 8—25—1755, 151. 

^Ihid., 5 — 26 — 1760, 260. 

^*Ibid., 6 — 29 — 1 76 1, 284. 

"^^Ibid., 7 — 27 — 1767, 420. 



Schools in Montgomery County 



109 



the following report as to the state of the funds which had 
accrued : 

We the subscribers having perused the accounts of Joshua Morris, 
the meeting's treasurer, do report that the said treasurer credits the 
meeting with several sums received on the meeting's accounts from the 
year 1761 .... including £28 for the rent of William Carter's 
legacy to this meeting, the whole being the sum of £157/12/11, and 
that he paid by order of this meeting in that time (including £40 paid 
for schools for poor children) the sum of £137/11/8; balance in his 
hands the 24th of the nth month, 1766 is £20/1/3. 

We likewise report that we find five years' rent of four pounds a year 
and a year's rent of six pounds on the said Carter's legacy outstanding 
and not yet collected or received by him.^^ 

A minute of 1735 entered in the meeting's records affords 
us an interesting glimpse into the nature of the books used 
for the Friends' schools. These books are very frequently 
mentioned in many of the meeting's records, and many of 
them were always on sale by booksellers such as Franklin in 
Philadelphia.^'' There seems to be no doubt that they con- 
stituted one of the staples of the mental pabulum. The 
extract in which they are mentioned illustrates also the 
initiative taken by the meeting in the direction of affairs 
relating to schools. 

And fiuther to let the quarterly meeting understand that this meeting 
conceives that reprinting a quantity of George Fox's Primers and 
Stephen Crisp's ditto and of George Fox's The Youngers might be 
advantageous to those children of Friends in school or elsewhere. We, 
therefore, refer the same to said meeting's consideration.^^ 

The Abington Meeting began at an early date to work for 
a better organization among its schools, cooperating heartily 
with the suggestions of the yearly meeting from time to time. 
The yearly meeting in 1746 and 1750 made several suggestions 
for the improvement of schools,^^ which were in 1751 followed 
by Abington with a statement that 

This meeting has gone through in the several branches thereof in the 
service of visiting of families and to general satisfaction, and as to the 
settling of schools we have had it under consideration and some are 



Report on 
funds 



Books used 
in schools 



26Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 11 — 24 — 1766, 406. 
""Pa. Gazette, 1740, No. 582. 
28Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 8 — 27 — 1735, 207. 
^^Advices, 250. 



no 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Gwynedd 



Schoohouse 

mentioned 

1721 



Marmaduke 
Pardo 

teacher 



desirous to promote the same but find many discouragements at the 
present, yet are in hopes it may be further considered, and . . .'" 

This report means nothing in terms of accomplishment, but 
indicates willingness and an active interest in educational 
problems. In reading of their "discouragements" one must 
keep in mind the standards set by the yearly meeting, and 
that their report was their idea of how they measured up 
to them. 

The first mention of any school (or any reference to indicate 
there may have been a school in the limits of Gwynedd) is 
that of 1 72 1, in a petition for a road, entered by Roland Hugh 
and Robert Humphrey.^^ The mention herein made is of a 
schoolhouse located near the property of Robert Humphrey 
and Roland Hughes and not far distant from the road to 
Philadelphia. Neither has trace been found of any school 
actually established nor of schoolmaster to have charge over 
it, yet the presence of a building erected for that purpose 
lends credence to the view that there was a school there, 
though perhaps irregularly conducted. Procedure in other 
districts was usually that schools were present before the 
schoolhouses were built. ^^ 

The first mention of a schoolmaster is relative to Marma- 
duke Pardo, who came with the following certificate from 
Pembrokeshire in Wales. 

We whose names are hereunto subscribed, being the curate and others 
of the inhabitants of the Parish of St. Davids, do hereby certify whom it 
may concern, that the bearer hereof, Marmaduke Pardo, of the city of 
St. Davids and County of Pembroke, has to the utmost of our knowledge 
and all appearances lived a very sober and pious life, demeaning himself 
according to the strictest rules of his profession, viz., what we call 
Quakerism, and that he has for these several years past took upon him- 
self the keeping of a private school in this city, in which station he 
acquitted himself with the common applause and to the general satis- 
faction of all of us who have committed our children to his care and 
tuition, etc.^' 

This certificate was signed by Richard Roberts and several 
others. With such recommendations, the citizens of Gwynedd 



^oMin. Abington Mo. Mtg., 5 — 29 — 1751, 78. 

'ijenkins. Historical Collections of Gwynedd. 

'^For example, those in Philadelphia, Middletown and Merion. 

^'Quoted from Jenkins, Historical Collections of Gwynedd, pp. 395-6. 



Schools in Montgomery County 



III 



were very fortunate if perchance they did secure him as a 
master. Other writers have, it seems, taken for granted that 
he actually taught in the school, but there is no exact evi- 
dence on the point, only a very great probability.* 

The following extract indicates there was an established 
school at Morristown in 1766. 

Plymouth overseers acquaint this meeting that Mordecai Moore on 
his own and family's account and several neighboring friends request the 
privilege of holding a meeting at the schoolhouse near his dwelling house 
in Morristown every first day until the general spring meeting. The 
which is granted.^* 

As with the schools and school affairs of other meetings, 
their history becomes more tangible about the last quarter of 
the century. The recommendations of the yearly meeting 
being received in 1777 and their attention thus directed con- 
sciously to the question of education, a committee was 
appointed consisting of the following men: David Bacon, 
John Elliott, Jr., Charles West, David Estaugh, William 
Brown, Thomas HoUowell, John Gracey, Abraham Liddon, 
Samuel Lloyd, Abraham Cadwalader, John Heman, David 
Evans, Samuel Lee, Joseph Penrose, Joseph Lukens and John 
Evans.^^ The committee reported in 1779 that the establish- 
ment of schools had been under consideration, but that no 
fund had yet been raised or land purchased for the establish- 
ment thereof, as the yearly meeting had directed.** Accord- 
ingly the same committee was continued. In 1780 a minute 
of the meeting states that : 

The matter relating to the establishment of schools is continued and 
it is desired that the several preparative meetings will attend to that 
matter as recommended by the committee some time past, and that the 
committee . . . the same under their care and make a report when 
anything is done toward accomplishing that service.^^ 

And again in 1785: 

A care remains on the Friends' minds for the right education of the 
youth, though little progress hath yet been made in establishing schools 
under proper regulations, although attention hath been paid thereto. 

*Wickersham, 83. 

2*Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 10 — 28 — 1766, 457. 

^^Ibid., 12 — 30 — 1777, 259. 

**Ihid., 4 — 27 — 1779, 296. 

^^Ibid., I — 25 — 1780, 16. 



School at 

Morristown 

Quaker? 



Committee 
on schools 
appointed 



"Little 

progress" 

reported 



112 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Those matters respecting the Africans are under the care of a committee, 
though Uttle progress hath been made in inspecting their particular 



Committee 
to aid in 
raising 
funds 



School in 

Montgomery 

Township 



Plymouth 
school 



Temporary 
schools 



Education 
of poor and 
orphans 



The activity of the committee does not appear to have been 
very great. After a consideration of their obligations on the 
subject again in 1791 it was decided to appoint a new com- 
mittee which was to work definitely toward a plan for raising 
a fund for school purposes, and to make a report on the state 
of schools in the monthly meeting. Their report which 
appeared in 1793 showed a considerable number of schools but 
none established on permanent foundations, and many not 
in the membership of Friends. The state of all the schools as 
reported is given in the following extract.^^ 

The committee appointed on schools reports that within the limits 
of Gwynedd Meeting a school in the township of Montgomery is kept 
in a house, property of Friends, there is a lot on two acres of land and two 
rooms for a master to live in, adjoining the schoolhouse, and there is 
remaining of a donation to the inhabitants of said township in common 
towards the support of a school, about fifty pounds per annum, to be 
kept in the said schoolhouse, the master a member of our Society; within 
the compass of Plymouth meeting, there is a schoolhouse built by a sub- 
scription on a small lot of land given as a donation with the interest 
accruing on five hundred pounds, which is free for all the inhabitants 
within a mile and a half of the donor's land, the master not in member- 
ship with Friends. 

One school, held in a house adjoining the meeting house at Plymouth 
which hath for several years been continued under the care and direction 
of that preparative meeting. There are several temporary schools 
within the limits of our Monthly Meetings, chiefly made up of persons 
not of our society, and kept by masters of different professions, no 
funds provided for any of them, into which Friends in such neighborhood 
send their children, there is a subscription gone into within the compass 
of one of the preparative meetings towards building a schoolhouse on a 
lot of land given for that purpose — the raising of funds for the support of 
schools has been under care, but not much progress has yet been made 
therein. Signed in behalf of the committee by 

Evan Jones, 
John Wilson, 
Isaac Weeks. 

The care and education of the poor was an occasion for 
great concern among the Friends of Gwynedd. This means 



"Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 7 — 26 — 1785, 221. 
^^Ibid., I — 29 — 1793, 177. 



Schools in Montgomery County 



113 



not only that their education was looked after but that in case 
father and mother married a second time, the meeting saw to 
it that the children's (if any by the first marriage) rights 
should be regarded. The affairs of the children had to be 
settled before permission for marriage was fully and freely 
given. ^^ They were not always satisfied with their dealing 
with such children, however. About 1756 they declared that 
the children are well taken care of physically but that there is 
too great a neglect in regard to their learning and apprentice- 
ship among Friends.^" 

Later they are able to report, no doubt with considerable 
satisfaction, that after due inspection, no Friends' children 
are found placed from among Friends.^^ All cases of neces- 
sity in the concern of education were resolutely dealt with, 
even though, as shown in the following extract, the recipients 
of the assistance were rather unwilling. 

The Gwynedd Friends acquaint this meeting that Robert Roberts, 
Jr., is in very low circumstances and not able to maintain his wife and 
children reputably and that they have not been able to prevail with him 
and his wife to bind their children out to lessen their expense, therefore, 
this meeting appoints John Davies and John Evans to advise them to 
comply with Friends' direction, otherwise, this meeting must take 
further notice of them.^ 

For a slight insight into the condition of schools in the 
latter years of the eighteenth century, we can do no better 
than present a letter written by Joseph Fouike, which 
furnishes a personal touch not found elsewhere. 

My earliest recollection of the schools which I attended was at 
Gwynedd meeting. There was no house for the piurpose, but what was 
called the "little meeting house" was used. An old tottering man by 
the name of Samuel Evans was the teacher. The reading books were 
the Bible and the Testament; we had Dilworth's spelling book, and 
Dilworth's Assistant or arithmetic. Grammar was a thing hardly 
thought of; there was, however, a small part of the spelling book, called 
"a new guide to the English tongue," and a few of the older pupils 
learned portions of this by rote, and would occasionally recite to the 
master, but the substance appeared to be equally obscure both to master 
and scholar. 



Their 

education 

neglected 



Some 
unwilling 
to receive 
aid 



Schools as 
related by 
Joseph 
Fouike 



^'Min. Gwynedd Mo. .Mtg., 4 — 27 — 1727, 100. 
'^"Ihid., 7 — 27 — 1756, 163. 
^^Ibid., 7 — 26 — 1768, 40. 
^Ibid., 9 — 17 — 1765, 424. 



114 



Early Quaker Edtication in Pennsylvania 



Merion 



School, at 
least not 
according to 
plan of 
yearly 
meeting 

Horsham 



My next schooling was in 1795, in the house, late the property of 
William Buzby, on the Bethlehem road, above the spring house. It was 
a kind of family school taught by Hannah Lukens. Here, Dr. Walton, 
of Stroudsburg, laid the foundation of his education. I went to Joshua 
Fouike, my father's elder brother, an old man. He taught in a log 
schoolhouse near the eighteen-mile stone on the Bethlehem road. My 
father, with the help of his neighbors, built this house (about 1798) on 
a lot set apart for the purpose on the southern extremity of his premises. 
This log schoolhouse stood about thirty years, and beside Joshua Fouike, 
we had for teachers William Coggins, Hannah Fouike, Benjamin 
Albertson, Hugh Fouike (my brother), John Chamberlain, Christian 
Dull, Daniel Price, and Samuel Jones. I have probably not named all 
or given them in the order in which they came.*^ 

Merion seems to have left no written records of educational 
activity. There is a possibility that Marmaduke Pardo^ 
may have been connected with a school t]aere, soon after his 
coming from Wales, but this is little better than a conjecture.* 
In the loft of the present building (which, however, does not 
date back so early as this study) there is a school room in 
which are rude tables and benches. One of them bears the 
date, 171 1, rudely cut with a jackknife. If, in the early 
eighteenth century, the meeting house still sufficed for 
school, it is quite probable that the same was true much 
earlier; at any rate, no search thus far has revealed anything 
concerning an early schoolhouse. The Radnor Monthly 
Meeting Minutes in 1791 state: 

At Merion and Valley we have not discovered any progress in laying a 
foundation for schools in the way proposed by the yearly meeting.^^ 

which would favor still further the idea that any school held 
there at that time was perhaps in the meeting house. 

The earliest mention made of Horsham Meeting is that in 
the Abington Minutes of 1777, stating: 

It is agreed that there be two overseers chosen for Horsham Meeting, 
viz., John Michener and Thomas Iredell.*^ 

This was doubtless very near the time of its first establish- 
ment as a preparative meeting. The earliest preparative 



^'Jenkins, Hist., Col. of Givynedd, 396-7. 

^See p. no. 

^^Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7 — 12 — 1791, 24. 

*Wickersham, 83. 

^''Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 5 — 30 — 1717. 



Schools in Montgomery County 



115 



minutes accessible are those beginning 1757.^'' We may feel 
certain, however, that there was a school before this time, for 
in the Gazette for 1753 there appeared an advertisement which 
stated : 

Any person well qualified for keeping a school and comes well recom- 
mended by applying to John Lukens, surveyor, Abraham Lukens, or 
Benjamin Cadwalader, living in Horsham township, near the meeting 
house, may meet with proper encouragement.** 

This may have been the same stone house in which Isaac 
Comly of Byberry taught in 1799, we cannot say. In the 
records of the preparative meeting on the first page there is an 
account of donations concerning schools, but the page is 
so badly mutilated that no straight account can be made of 
it.^^ It will be recalled from the account given of Abington 
schools that Horsham members were also benefitted by 
Carter's legacy and others.^" 

A committee appointed to investigate the conditions of 
schools in Horsham Meeting reported (1779): 

We, the committee appointed, report as follows : That upon inquiry 
we found that the schoolhouse on the meeting house land is wholly 
the property of Friends, and the subscribers generally Friends; we also 
find that there has been a schoolhouse lately built on a piece of land held 
in trust for that purpose between John Parry's and John Walton's 
wholly by the Friends, and generally Friends subscribers; there is also 
one other schoolhouse near the Billet on a piece of land held in trust for 
that purpose by Friends and others, and one other schoolhouse near 
John Jarret's upon sufferance; the two last mentioned schools being 
made up by subscribers of different societies; which, after being con- 
sidered, the same Friends are continued with John Parry, Samuel 
Shoemaker (mason), John Conrad, and John Jarrett added to them as a 
committee, to have the oversight of such schools as may be properly 
under the notice of this meeting.^^ 

And again in 1783 that, 

The committee on schools report they have several times visited the 
schools of Friends belonging to this meeting since their appointment, and 
that there appears an improvement in them, they having drawn up an 



*''At 15th and Race Streets, Philadelphia. 

**Pa. Gazette, No. 1261, 1753. 

*^Min. Horsham Prep. Mtg., Vol. i. 

^"See pp. I07f; Horsham Prep. Mtg., i — 24 — 1772. 

^^Ibid., 12 — 24 — 1779. 



Assistance 
by donations 



Report on 
Horsham 
schools, 
1779 



Four schools 
mentioned 



Rules drawn 
for the 
conduct of 
schools 



ii6 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Report 
made to 
Horsham 
monthly on 
schools 



Four schools 
named ; 
others, 
where the 
houses 
belong to 
Friends 



No funds 
established 



Each parti- 
cular meet- 
ing to name 
its own 
committee 



Three 
schools in 
the pre- 
paratives 



essay of rules for the government of said schools, which were read and 
approved by this meeting. . .^^ 

From 1782 onwards Horsham was a regularly constituted 
monthly meeting.^^ Almost the first thing performed by this 
newly constituted body was to order a report on schools which 
was brought into the monthly meeting in 1784,^^ the text of 
which is reproduced below. 

We, the committee on schools, having met and examined into the 
situation of such within the compass of this meeting find them as follows, 
viz. : that within the verge of Byberry meeting there is a school kept in 
a part of the meeting house under the inspection of part of the same 
committee, by Christopher Smith, a member of our society, whose num- 
ber of scholars are about thirty at 10/ a scholar, per quarter, raised by 
subscription; also, another school taught a small distance from said 
meeting house by Isaac Carver in his own house who formerly was a 
member among us, to which some Friends send their children, and 
within the compass of Horsham Particular Meeting there is a school 
taught on the meeting land near the meeting house by Byran Fitz- 
patrick, who is not a member, the number of scholars about twenty-five 
at 10/ a scholar per quarter; there is also one other schoolhouse built 
by Friends on a piece of land given for a term of years for that purpose 
in which there is no school kept at present. There are several other 
schools within the compass of said meeting, the houses of which are the 
property of Friends and others to which some Friends send their children. 
There are no funds belonging to any of the aforesaid schools, but there is 
a donation left to Horsham Particular Meeting, which if it were not for 
some circumstances attending it, might be of an advantage in establish- 
ing schools within the limits of that meeting which we think demands the 
attention of this meeting. 

Signed on behalf of the committee by 

Daniel Thomas. 

After this there was no report for nearly two years, when 
the meeting, taking cognizance of the fact, urged all the 
preparatives to appoint individual committees of their own 
to attend to school affairs. In 1787 the committee of the 
monthly meeting made report that within the compass of the 
monthly meeting there were three schools under the care of 
the preparative meetings, in all of which the masters were 
members of the society of Friends.^^ 



^"Horsham Prep., Mtg. i — 24 — 1783 ; (the rules are quite similar to those 
proposed for the Philadelphia schools, which are mentioned on pp. 1833.). 
^Horsham Mo. Mtg. Vol. I, first page. 
^Ubid., 4—28—1784. 
^Ubid., 5 — I — 1787. 



Schools in Montgomery County 



117 



The value of the organization of meetings for getting 
something accompHshed can hardly be overestimated. The 
directing power of the quarterly meeting must have often 
been the cause which produced a conscious activity in the 
lower meetings. The quarterly meetings were at all times 
feeling the educational pulse of their constituents and making 
suggestions, requiring reports, etc., which did not fail to keep 
up the local interest. The quarterly meeting at Abington 
in 1792 made the following suggestions: 

At a quarterly meeting held at Abington, November 8, 1792, the 
subject of schools coming under consideration, it is thought expedient 
that the meetings be earnestly requested to take that matter into solid 
consideration and send up in their reports next quarter how far the 
advice of the yearly meeting has been complied with in that respect. 
The clerk is requested to furnish each member with a copy of this 
minute extracted from the minutes of the quarterly meeting. 

Nathan Cleaver, Clerk. 



Value of 
the organi- 
zation 
cited 



The clerk is directed to ftunish the preparatives with a copy of the 
above minute, and they are desired to inform this meeting of their situa- 
tion in the above respects.^^ 

The report of the monthly meeting in 1792 indicates that 
that meeting's concern for the education of the poor was 
comparable to others mentioned; they state that all of the 
children "partake of learning freely" and their and other 
Friends' children "are placed among Friends" as apprentices. 

The earliest Quaker settlements in Warrington were in 
1735,^'' and their first meetings for worship were held with the 
Friends at Newberry. Warrington Preparative Meeting was 
organized in 1745;^^ while the monthly meeting records date 
to 1747.^^ For nearly thirty years there is no notice in the 
records concerned with education, saving those which refer to 
the settling of youths' meetings. Those were very frequent.^" 
The report on the youths' meetings in 1779 was as follows: 

Some of the Friends appointed to attend the Youths' Meeting report 
that four of them attended it and gave it as their sense that it was a good 



^^Horsham Prep. Mtg., 11 — 28 — 1792. 
s^rowell's Hist., I, 1084. 

"Warrington Mo. Mtg. Min., Vol. I. 
^"Ibid., 4 — 20 — 1754, 44; 12 — 12 — 1761, 44; 



The poor 
educated; 
1792 



Warrington 



Youths' 
meetings 



-7—1779, 45, etc. 



IIJ 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Committees 
of mien and 
women 
named on 
schools 



No progress 

reported 

1780 



meeting, and that if it should be as well attended in the future, it might 
be of use.^^ 

Three years later, 1782, it was considered necessary to 
leave off holding the youths' meetings, for what reasons it is 
not known, but on a protest from some members it was con- 
cluded that it might be continued for at least another meet- 
ing. ^^ In 1778 the yearly meeting extract was received, in 
which the establishment of schools was recommended ; com- 
mittees of both men and women were at once named for the 
service and desired to report.^* In the year following, the 
report was made on the part of Warrington Preparative 
Meeting : 

Warrington Meeting informs us that they have made choice of 
William Underwood, Peter Cleaver, Benjamin Walker, and Joseph 
Elgar for trustees and overseers of a school, with which this meeting 
concurs.^* 

The trustees thus appointed, it seems, were not so success- 
ful as might have been desired, if we may judge by their 
report made in 1780. 

William Underwood, on behalf of the committee appointed to have 
under their care and labor to promote the education of the youth, as well 
as a reformation with that respect to other deficiencies in our society, 
informed this meeting that they have several times met and conferred 
together on the occasion, but have not proceeded any further in that 
service, neither have any prospect at this time of proceeding therein, 
etc.^^ 

The tone of the next report of 1782 is more encouraging. 

The Friends appointed to the care of schools report they have made 
some progress therein, some of them having attended each of our 
preparative meetings and endeavored to encourage Friends in setting 
up of schools agreeable to the intention of the Yearly Meeting and find 
there is a willingness in the minds of Friends to endeavor to have schools 
set up amongst us agreeable thereto, as nearly as the circumstances of 
the several Meetings will admit of. They are continued and desired to 
assist where there may be occasions and report to this Meeting in the 
third month next.^^ 



oiWarrington Mo. Mtg. Min., Vol. I, 11— 13— 1779, 45. 

^"^Ibid., I — 12 — 1782, 46. 

^^Ibid., I — 10 — 1778, 46. 

^'Ubid., 9 — II — 1779, 46f. 

'^^Ibid., 8— 12— 1780, 46f. 

^•^'Ibid., I— 12— 1782, 47. 



Schools in Montgomery County 



119 



In 1784 it was reported that the committee had attended 
at York and that there appeared to be a good prospect for a 
school to be estabhshed there according to the desires 
expressed in the yearly meeting's advices.^^ It was also 
stated that some provision was made at each particular 
meeting for the same, and it was expected a particular report 
would be rendered thereof.®^ This report, however, did not 
come into the monthly meeting as it appears. 

The conditions at York seem to have been the most promis- 
ing as presented in a committee's report of 1784 which is here 
submitted : 

The committee appointed to promote the establishment of schools 
report that they have paid some attention to the service; most of them 
attended a meeting at York, and find that Friends there have a house 
nearly finished and have entered into some subscriptions to encourage 
such a school, of which it is agreed that the Quarterly Meeting be 
informed, as well as of houses being built for that purpose at Newbury 
and Warrington, and that the committee be released from the service.^' 

The statements of the monthly meeting in the above report 
are corroborated by a later report of the Warrington and 
Fairfax Quarterly, which was made a few months later, 
though it appears the schoolhouse at Warrington was not yet 
completed.'^" 

The progress that had been made by Westland Monthly 
Meeting''^ is indicated by the following report of that date : 

The minutes of the school committee for several seasons past being 
read, and they have proposed a reappointment, William V/ilson, Mat- 
thew Heald, Jonas Cattell, William Dixon, Joshua Dixon, and Eleazar 
Brown are appointed to have the general care of schools and admission 
of Tutors. And it appears requisite that a few Friends be appointed by 
each Preparative Meeting to have the immediate oversight of the school 
or schools within the limits of such meetings; said committee to unite 
and confer together as they see occasion, and the clerk is desired to 
notify each preparative meeting by a copy of this Minute.'^ 



School to 
be at York 



Schoolhouse 
at York; 
subscrip- 
tions started 



Same state- 
ment by 
quarterly 
meeting 



"Warrington No. Mtg, Min., i — 10 — 1784, 47. 
^^Ibid., 3 — 13 — 1784, 47. 
^Ubid., 5—8—1784, 47. 

■'"Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg., 9 — 20 — 1784, I75f. 
'^Records of Westland Mo. Mtg. Washington County are found in the 
collections of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania. 
'^Min. Westland Mo. Mtg., 12—26—1789, 49. 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Later 
reports 
still 
indefinite 



A still later report of 1797 is no more definite than the 
former; this is very generally characteristic of the reports, 
and even at a late date when other meetings were making 
very definite ones, indicates that a very unsatisfactory state 
existed in the schools of Westland. Many other reports 
examined, which were sent in before the committee, of the 
century, made no improvement in regard to definiteness. 



SUMMARY 

The schools in the limits of Abington, Gw3aiedd, Horsham, 

The Warrington, and Westland meetings are discussed in this 

meetings chapter. 

Probably the first schoolmaster at Abington, who was con- 

Abington nected with a regularly established school, was Jacob Taylor. 

Land for the meeting and school uses was deeded by John 
l/ Barnes in 1696, and a meeting house built by 1700. Assist- 
ance was also afforded by a legacy granted by William Carter 
for educating poor children. Such funds were in charge of, 
and expended by, trustees appointed for that purpose. 
Fox's and Crisp's Primers are mentioned for use in the schools. 
4 Mention is made of a schoolhouse near Gwynedd in 1721, 

Gwynedd but no records of the school are discovered. Marmaduke 

Pardo, an experienced teacher, came to Gwynedd from Wales, 
and being well recommended as such, it is likely that he was 
employed in school teaching ; but nothing explicit to that 
effect is found. Late in the century Joseph Foulke states he 
attended school in Gwynedd. A schoolhouse at Morristown 
is mentioned in 1766. Committees on schools and funds 
followed the procedure noticed in other meetings. School 
land, schoolhouse funds, and a house for a master were pro- 
vided in Montgomery township in 1793. Another school in 
the compass of Plymouth is mentioned, and another one, 
"adjoining the meeting house at Plymouth." Other tem- 
porary schools, used under varying circimistances, are said to 
be maintained. Merion and the Valle}^ do not appear to 
have met the yearly meeting's requirements in any way. 
No explicit mention is made of a school at Horsham in the 

Horsham . early minutes, but the advertisement for a teacher in 1753 
indicates they were supplied with a school. A report of 



Morristown 
schoolhouse . 
mentioned 



Three 

regular 

schools 



Schools in Montgomery County 



121 



Horsham Preparative in 1729 mentions four schools, kept 
"nearly agreeable to direction." In 1783 a list of rules was 
adopted for their government. Each preparative meeting 
was directed in 1787 to have its own committee on schools. 

Judging from the minutes of their transactions, the schools 
of Warrington and Westland meetings seem to have been 
organized and carried on in a very desultory fashion. Those 
at York and Warrington were the best situated. There were 
probably as many as twelve regularly established schools in 
the above meetings by the end of the century. 



Warrington 
Westland 

Probably 

twelve 

regularly 

established 

schools 



CHAPTER VII 
SCHOOLS OF CHESTER COUNTY 



The 

meetings 
considered 



Kennett 



Early care 
for children 



The several monthly meetings, which are discussed in this 
chapter, were, for the period of this study (before 1800) 
members of Chester (or Concord Quarterly) Meeting, until 
the establishment of Western Quarterly Meeting in 1758,^ 
when a number of them were included in that quarter. In 
1800 a new Quarterly Meeting (Cain) was established from 
those formerly constituting "Western Quarterly.^ The 
monthly meetings with which we are to deal, the dates of their 
establishment, and the order of their presentation here, are as 
.follows: (i) Kennett, known as Newark till 1760, 1686, or 
before; (2) Nev/ Garden, set off from Kennett in 17 18; (3) 
Goshen, set off from Chester, 1722; (4) Bradford, 1737; (5) 
Uwchlan, set off from Goshen, 1763; (6) London Grove, set 
off from New Garden , 1792.^ Those just named were situated 
within the limits of present Chester County.* The last 
meeting to be considered in this chapter, (7) Sadsbury, 
established in 1737, was situated in Lancaster County.^ 

In the records of Kennett (Newark) Meeting, the writer 
has been unable to find an}^ early explicit reference to educa- 
tion. Among the early references to children, are the minutes 
of 1715 in regard to those of the widow Howard at the time 
of her remarriage.^ The meeting appointed a committee to 
look after the affairs of her children to see that the will of 
the deceased father was entirely complied with. Again in 
1727 the meeting appointed a committee to see that the 



'Min. V/estern Q. Mtg. I, i (Deposited at West Grove); Bunting, 55. 
"Min. Cain Q. Mtg., I, i; Bunting, 48. 

^Bunting, 59, 62, 43, 51, 52, and 61, respectively; also first volume 
of records for each meeting. 
^See map. 
^Bunting, 49. 
"Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 11 — 7 — 1715, 28. 

(122) 



Schools in Chester County 



123 



provision for the orphan children be fulfilled before allowing 
the widow to remarry.'' These two cases serve to point out 
that an early care and interest in the affairs of children was 
manifested on the part of the meeting. 

Local historians have very little to offer in the way of clews 
to the education of the Quakers in the last part of the 
seventeenth and early eighteenth century, though they all 
agree that the Quakers furnished the foundations of educa- 
tion, and it was begun very early, even from the first establish- 
ment in the various counties.^ Some of the early schools 
have already been discussed, ip cases where it was possible to 
state the earliest beginnings.^ 

In 1777 those who had attended the Western Quarterly 
Meeting reported they had received the recommendations of 
the yearly meeting requiring the m„onthly meetings to have 
particular charge of the education of the children, with 
especial reference to the employm.ent of schoolmasters who 
were Friends.^" The same concern being mentioned a month 
later, with em_phasis on the school education, a committee of 
six Friends was appointed to join with a committee of the 
quarterly meeting to confer on the matter.^^ In 1779, their 
action appears to be just a little more definite, but from the 
records it is difficult to say whether it meant very much or 
not; the minutes at that time stated: 

John Way, John Marshall, James Bennett, Caleb Pierce, David 
Greame, Samuel Nichols, and Thomas Carlton, Jr., are appointed to 
unit together and endeavor to promote such schools as (are) recom- 
mended.12 

From that date (1779) to 1781, there appears no comment 
on the subject, save the usual periodic announcements that 
the Advices of the Yearly Meeting "have been regularly 
received." In 1781, however, 

Caleb Pierce on behalf of the committee on schools, reports there is a 
school made up by some of the members of this, Bradford, and New 



'Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12 — 3 — 1727, 188. 

^Futhey & Cope, Hist. Chester Co., 302f ; Jordan, Hist. Del. Co., II, 
423ff. 

^See page 42, Philadelphia 107, Abmgton 154, Darby. 
"Min. Kermett Mo. Mtg., 12 — 11 — 1777, 625. 
^Ubid., I — 15 — 1778, 626. 
^Ubid., I — 14 — 1779, 658. 



Local his- 
tory credits 
Quakers 
mth furnish- 
ing the 
foundation 
of schools 



Yearly 
recommen- 
dations 
recaived 



School com- 
mittee 
appointed 



Union school 
of Kennett, 
Bradford, 
and New 
Garden 



124 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



The school 
discontinued 



New com- 
mittee has 
more specific 
duties 



Several 
schools 
reported; 
some 

according to 
demand of 
yearly- 
meeting 



Garden monthly meetings; John Parker and Caleb Pierce are appointed 
to join with the Friends of those meetings in the oversight thereof, and 
report to this meeting when necessary.^^ 

In the seventh month thereafter, in the same year, John 
Parker reported that the school which he and Caleb Pierce 
had been appointed to oversee was discontinued.^* They 
were released from their service in the care of schools. The 
former committee on that subject, appointed in 1779, seems, 
however, from the minute of the tenth month, 1781, to have 
been continued as a standing committee on the subject.^^ 
The following extract implies that the committee of 1779 
was replaced by another which, by the way, had more 
specifically named duties. The implication of the minute is 
that there were at least two schools, perhaps more. 

The concern for the promotion of schools, under the directions of 
Friends revived, Samuel Harlan, John Way, Aaron Hollingsworth, — 
John Swain, Amos Harvey, Samuel Pennock, and James Jackson are 
appointed to have the care and oversight of schools, also promote the 
establishment of schools where there is yet want of assistance, and 
report to this meeting when necessary.^^ 

In the same year it was also recommended to the prepara- 
tive meetings that each appoint a committee of their own to 
represent them and act with the committee of the monthly 
meeting in the concern of schools.^'' The intervening years, 
from 1783 to 1785, offer nothing beyond the usual general 
reports concerning the appointment of committees and the 
like. In 1 78 5 , the committee on schools produced this report : 

We have lately had a conference on the subject, and do find that there 
are several schools in the compass of our monthly meeting, kept by 
Friends and under the care of this committee, and may inform that they 
are kept to a good degree of satisfaction, yet there are some that employ 
teachers, not members of our society, without the advice of the commit- 
tee or the monthly meeting. We, likewise, agree to lay before the 
monthly meeting the reappointment of a committee for this service in 
future as the members of this committee have been long on the appoint- 
ment and desire to be released, which we submit to the meeting. Signed 
— John Way (and five others) .^^ 



"Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 2 — 15 — 1781, 730. 
^*Ihid., 7 — 12 — 1781, 741. ^^Ibid., ID — li — 1781, 746. 

^"Tbid., 9— II— 1783, 787. ^Ubid., 5— 13— 1783. 795- 

^^Ibid., 5— 12— 1785, 814. 



Schools in Chester County 



I2S 



The answer to the fifth query of the same year likewise 
informs us that care has been taken in the education of the 
poor children, and Friends' children "are generally placed 
among Friends. "^^ 

The request for the appointment of a new committee on 
schools, made by the old committee, does not seem to have 
received consideration till 1788 In the meantime we must 
assimie that the old committee continued to serve, since 
occasional reports were sent in. The men appointed on the 
new committee were: Jacob Greave, Samuel Nichols, Amos 
Harvey, Samuel Harlan, Moses Pennock, Robert Lamboum, 
Jr., Christopher Hollingsworth, John Way, and William 
Phillips, Jr.^° In 1790 the monthly meeting ordered a 
special committee to recommend a deeper educational con- 
cern to the particular meetings. ^^ 

The desired results, in the shape of a more perfected 
organization and permanent foundation to be provided for 
schools, did not come until about 1792 and thereafter. In 
that year, the committee reported its past activity in respect 
to schools established, and made certain valuable suggestions 
to guide future action, as the following extract witnesses: 

The committee, appointed at last meeting, report: We, the com- 
mittee appointed by the monthly meeting at the request of Kennett 
Preparative Meeting, respecting the establishment of schools within the 
verge thereof, agree to report, we have attended thereto, and find they 
have purchased a piece of ground, with the approbation of the commit- 
tee of this meeting, of Abraham Taylor, about two miles and a half 
westemly from Kennett Meeting House, adjoining the public road, 
leading to Nottingham, and obtained his conveyance to Jacob Pierce, 
Samuel Pennock, Townsend Lamboum, Thomas Pierce, William Parker, 
and David Pierce, trustees for the same, meted and bounded as men- 
tioned in the said conveyance and recorded .... and as it appears 
to us necessary in order for a fixed object whereon to lay a foundation for 
establishing a fund agreeable to the Yearly Meeting, that the monthly 
meeting should appoint some Friends as trustees to have the care of the 
said school, and that it should have a name to be distinguished by; we 
therefore propose it to be called by the name "Number One," within the 
verge of Kennett Preparative Meeting. We have likewise agreed on 
some general rules to be observed by the scholars of the said school. 



New school 

committee 

appointed 



Ground 
purchased 



Rules 

adopted for 
the school 



"Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8— 11— 1785, 820. 
^Hbid., 2— 14— 1788, 874. 
^^Ibid., I — 14 — -1790, 914. 



126 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Summary of 
committee's 
report 



Signed by Caleb Pierce, Wm. Lamboum, Caleb Kirk, and Jonathan 
Greave. 12 — 24 — 1790. 

The above report, being read, is agreed to be further con- 
sidered at our next meeting.^^ Unfortunately for the satis- 
faction of our curiosity about the internal organization of the 
schools, the rules which they state were drawn up were not 
incorporated in the minutes of the monthly meeting. They 
were probably similar, however, to those adopted by the 
Horsham School Committee at a slightly earlier date.^^ 

In consideration of the recommendations made in the above 
report, the meeting assembled in the seventh month, ap- 
pointed nine of their members as trustees, to receive all 
donations for the purpose of schools.^* About a year there- 
after, a report signed by Joshua Pusey and John Jones was 
submitted by the monthly meeting to the quarterly meeting, 
which was in substantial accord with all that had already 
been done.^^ It may be well to summarize briefly their 
recommendations. 

1 . We have considered the relative situation of the mem- 
bers in our compass. 

2. The affairs of education have not yet received the 
attention they deserve. 

3. We find several school houses have been erected, but 

4. The demands made by the yearly meeting are not met, 
therefore, • 

5. Friends must subscribe funds, either in monthly or 
preparative meetings. 

6. The funds must be available for application for meet- 
ings. Friends are so scattered and few that they cannot 
support a school alone and have been forced to patronize 
"mixed schools." 

7. Those laboring under difficulties should be taught 
gratis, or at least, at low rates. 

In 1795 the committee on schools produced a plan for 
subscriptions to a permanent school fund,^® which was 



22Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., i — 12 — 1792, 14. 
"^Horsham School Com. Minutes, i — 27 — 1783. 
2*Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 7 — 12 — 1792, 25. 
"^Ubid., 3— 14— 1793, 39- 
"^Hbid., 2— 12— 1795, 83. 



Schools in Chester County 



127 



referred to the next meeting. A report was then made, but 
it was thought that since all of the committee had not 
collaborated it should be, and accordingly was, postponed for 
the time being.^^ In the fifth month a report was made, but 
still some changes were thought to be necessary.^^ 

Not until the twelfth month (1785) was the report finally 
produced, which is given below. There has been some refer- 
ence made by local historians of Chester County, stating that 
Kennett Monthly Meeting had as early as 1787 provided a 
plan for subscription for the provision of permanent funds.^^ 
The rule "number 5," which is quoted by them., is exactly the 
same rule as the fifth one which is mentioned below. The 
writer has found no such reference to a plan for funds at the 
earlier date (1787). It seems quite probable that the state- 
ment made in Mr. Cope's work is an oversight, perhaps an 
error in setting up an eight in place of a nine. The entire list 
of nine rules is given. 

I . A plan for raising fund for the benefit of schools within the bounds 
of Kennett Monthly Meeting, whereby Friends may have an oppor- 
tunity of manifesting their benevolent intentions by subscribing thereto. 

1st. That each subscriber to this plan pay at the time of subscrip- 
tion, or give his or her note to the treasurer or clerk of the trustees, or 
their successors appointed by Kennett Monthly Meeting, to have the 
care of this fund, for a sum of money payable at any time, not exceeding 
three years after date, with the interest of five per cent, per annum paid 
annually for the same. 

2d. The treasurer shall have a book for that purpose, and keep fair 
entries of all money due and received; likewise of all money expended 
and his receipts shall be a sufficient discharge for any money paid to 
him for the use of schools. 

3rd. Whenever the treastirer may receive any new subscription or 
any money for the benefit of schools, he shall report the same at the next 
meeting of the trustees of the said schools. 

4th. When the trustees receive any money for the use of schools, 
they shall as soon as they can conveniently put the same to interest upon 
good security; or they may purchase land or ground rent therewith as 
shall appear best for the time being. 

5th. The trustees shall, as soon as they see occasion, apply the 
interest arising from this fund to securing the schooling of the children 



Question of 
a plan for 
school funds 
prior to 1795 



Scheme for 
funds 
reported 
in 1795 



^'Min Kennett Mo. Mtg., 4 — 16 — 1795, 

^^Ibid., 5 — 14 — 1795, 91. 

"Futhey & Cope, Hist. Chester Co., 302. 



128 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



State of 
schools in 
1798 



New Garden 



Care for the 
indigent 



of such poor people, whether Friends or others, as live within the verge 
of the aforesaid monthly meeting, provided such children comply with 
their rules. 

6th. We recommend it to each other as often as we find an increase 
of property and openness of heart to add something to our subscription 
whereby it is hoped the monthly meeting may in time be enabled more 
fully to comply with the advice of the Yearly Meeting in 1778, respecting 
schools. 

7th. As a variety of circumstances may in future occur which the 
human eye can not foresee, nor understanding conceive, therefore the 
trustees shall from time to time manage this fund as shall appear to them 
best, to promote the welfare of the said schools and the poor thereunto 
belonging ; also if the interest may be to spare, they may assist therewith 
in keeping the schoolhouse in repair and in paying the salaries of school- 
masters or mistresses within the verge of said meeting, provided the 
principal be not thereby lessened. 

8th. If at any time the trustees may not all judge alike how they 
ought to proceed in such cases, they are to apply to the aforesaid 
monthly meeting for assistance. 

9th. The trustees shall from time to time be accountable to the 
monthly meeting of Kennett for their management of this fund, as 
directed in the minute of their appointment. Signed by order of Kennett 
Monthly Meeting, held the 15th of the 12th month, 1796.^" 

The condition of the schools in Kennett Monthly Meeting 
was made known in 1798 in the report presented by Robert 
Lamboum for the committee. A digest of that report is as 
follows : 

1. They have had the subject "under care." 

2. There are two schools "within their compass." 

3. The town's schools are taught by Friends' members.^^ 

4. They are under the charge of the meeting's committee. 

The New Garden Meeting in 1773 made record of having 
placed £4/11 Ig in the hands of Jacob Wright, to be applied 
at the further directions of the meeting to the placing out of 
poor Friends' children or the relief of indigent Friends.^^ 
Between that time and 1778, we learn no more of this edu- 
cational philanthropic interest. In that year the usual 
reminder sent out by the yearly meeting came to them, calling 



30Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12— 15— 1796, 146. 

^^Ihid., 8— 16— 1798, 199. 

32Min. New Garden Mo. Mtg., 3—6—1773. I74- 



Schools in Chester County 129 

attention to educational needs.^^ A committee was appointed 
which stated in a report, 1779, "some care is taken therein, 
and more appearing necessary, they are continued."^* An 
extract of a few months later is as follows : 

The committee respecting schools, having the matter under care, two Tvjo schools- 
schools being under their notice, and another proposed to be estabUshed, another pro- 
they are continued and desired to report when necessary, and the clerk posed 
to enter the substance of the case in their report.^^ 

Following the report of 1779, which showed there were 
two schools in charge of the meeting, there is furnished no 
further infonnation until 1785. In the third month, 1785, a 
large committee of thirteen members was appointed to take 
charge of the "weighty affairs" recommended.^^ This com- 
mittee produced a report in the eighth month of Ihe same 
year, which is gratifying in that it is more substantial than 
many others brought in. It is given herewith. 

The committee in the care of schools report that they have had Report of 
several conferences together since last meeting, and are of the mind that 1 785 
concern for the right education of our youth rather increases among 
Friends, and that a new school house has been lately built near Jeremiah 
Barnard's on a small piece of land conveyed by him for that purpose, 
which account is satisfying to this meeting. The committee is con- 
tinued for fttrther service and desired to report as they may see occasion-^? 

In 1786, George Gawthrop and Thomas Richards were 
added to the committee. ^^ From the first to the fourth 
month of that year, the committee reported they had visited 
one school,^^ but their report indicates nothing performed, 
more than the visit. Four months later it is reported they 
had attended to the subject of schools somewhat, but that it 
still required much greater attention ; and they were advised 
to meet with the monthly meeting's clerk that he might pre- 
pare his report on schools for the quarterly m.eeting.^" 

Though that report and the one of the quarterly meeting 
really tell us nothing, we are better rewarded in one produced 
just a year later, which points plainly to some of the difficul- 
ties the early school trustees had to face. 



33Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 6 — 6 — 1778, 388. 

^*Ibid., 5 — I — 1779, 22. ^^Ibid., 8—7 — 1779, 34. 

^^Ibid., 3—5—1785, 234. ^Ubid., 8—6—1785, 256. 

^^Ibid., I— 7— 1786, 275. i'^Ibid., 8—5—1786, 312. 

^^Ibid., 4 — I — 1786, 290. 



I30 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Report of 

1787 



Mistresses 
employed in 
summer; 
some schools 
not accord- 
ing to advice 



Require- 
ments for 
the school 
at New 
Garden 



Goshen 



The committee in the care of schools reported as follows: the sub- 
stance whereof the clerk is directed to insert in our report of the quar- 
terly meeting. 

The care of schools has been under our care and attention and on 
conferring together, we agree to report — under the present circumstances 
of things amongst us, it is found most convenient to employ mistresses, 
as the teachers in our schools most generally in the summer season, 
several of which are now under the care of Friends to pretty good satis- 
faction, and we hope the concern is in a reviving way amongst us, though 
there are discoiu-agements by some Friends encoiiraging or promoting 
schools taught by persons not agreeable to the advice of the society .^^ 

In 1794 William Jackson deeded to Joseph Preston and 
others a piece of ground for a schoolhouse,^ which was to be 
in trust for the Friends' meeting. This is the first transfer 
of ground for school purposes found among the New Garden 
Friends. Among the stipulations of the deed are the follow- 
ing: 

1. The master is to be a member of Friends. 

2. The m.aster must teach according to the rules laid down 
(presumably by the school trustees) as before mentioned in 
the case of the Horsham School Rules.^^ 

3. The purpose stated is for the "promotion of piety and 
good order" and to "propagate useful learning." 

On 12 — 2 — 1 701, some Friends at Goshen applied to their 
quarterly meeting for the privilege of establishing a meeting 
for worship,^ but this request was not approved until the 
meeting of the quarter in 1703.'*^ In 1707 they proposed 
building a house for worship which was granted by the 
quarterly meeting in the twelfth month. *^ Their monthly 
meeting, as stated before, was not established until 1722.*^ 
The preparative meetings in its compass were Goshen, New- 
town, and Uwchlan.'^^ 

Though starting at a much later date as a monthly meeting 
the records of Goshen are in some ways far superior to many 



•*iMin. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8 — 4 — 1787, 355. 

''^Deed No. 88, Chester Co. (the deed is deposited in a fireproof at 
Orthodox Meeting House, custody of Edgar Haines, West Grove, Pa.). 
•^%Iin. Horsham vSch. Com., i — 27 — 1783. 
^^Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 12 — 2 — 1701. 
^^Ibid., 9 — I — 1703. 
^^Ibid., 12 — 2 — 1707. 
^'See page 122. 
**See first book of Goshen Mo. Mtg. Records. 



Schools in Chester County 



131 



other meetings. In the first place, they devoted considerable 
attention to the yearly meetings' proposals of 1746 and 1750/^ 
which by many meetings received very scant attention. The 
concrete results of this attention, however, do not stand forth, 
as reports on the subjects are not plentiful till the "1778 era." 
In that year of all years, they received the urgent accounts 
from the yearly meeting.^" They appear to have gone to 
work at once, or perhaps had already begun, as a committee 
in the care of schools reported in the sixth month, 1779, that 
"a piece of ground is agreed for and a schoolhouse is now 
building in East Bradford. "^^ This school was to be made 
up from the Friends of Goshen, Bradford, and Birmingham,^^ 
and to be established in accord with the stipulations of the 
yearly meeting aforesaid.^^ Goshen Monthly Meeting was 
requested to name some Friend to receive the land in trust, 
and Thomas Hoopes, Jr., was accordingly appointed for the 
purpose.^^ 

In 1782, the present school committee, deciding that some- 
thing should be done concerning the regulation of schools, 
desired an addition to their number, those added being 
Abraham Pratt, William Lewis, John Mailin, and Josiah 
Hibberd.^^ Two months later this committee brought forth 
the following proposals, which are self-explanatory. 

We have met sundry times since the last meeting on the subject and 
are unanimous in judgment that it will be convenient for Friends to have 
a school house built near Jesse Garrett's smith shop on the east side of 
the road leading from the valley where about five acres may be pur- 
chased of WiUiam Garrett and WilUam Garrett, Jr., in order to erect 
a school house on, and also a house for a school master, which we request 
the monthly meeting to take under consideration; and if they approve 
thereof, that it may be encouraged by a subscription amongst Friends 
only, and to be established on the plan proposed by the Yearly Meeting 
and subject to the direction of the monthly meeting from time to time, 
to remove or alter as they may see cause, or time may show to be neces- 
sary. We propose the house to be twenty-seven feet square from out to 



*9Ad vices of the Yr. Mtg., 250. 
soMin. Goshen Mo. Mtg., i — 8 — 1779. 
^^Ibid., 6 — II — 1779. 

^^Futhey and Cope mention a school at Birmingham as early as 1753, 
Hist. Chester Co., 302. 

^^Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 6— 11 — 1779. 

^Ibid. 

^^Ibid., I — II — ^1782. 



A school in 
East Brad- 
ford for 
Goshen, 
Bradford 
and Bir- 
mingham 



Increased 
committee 
reported 
1782 



Land to be 
purchased 
for school 
and master's 
accommoda- 
tions 



132 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



The building 
and cost 



Attempt to 
bestir the 
preparatives 



School at 
Willistown ; 
master's 
house, etc., 
proposed 



One school 
the property 
of the 
monthly 
meeting 



out, and compute the expense of building to be £150 exclusive of the land 
which wiU be £25, which we submit to the monthly meeting. Signed in 
behalf of the committee — Thomas Hoopes, Jr.^^ 

Their report was left for further consideration. 

In 1784 a drive was organized on the preparative meetings. 
The monthly meeting received a visit from the committee of 
the quarterly meeting, which suggested the appointment of a 
large committee and the distribution of the printed advices 
of the yearly m.eeting of 1778, to be read before each of the 
preparative meetings.^' In conformity with this suggestion, 
the former school committee was released and a new one of 
ten members appointed as a standing committee, directed to 
follow out the previously made sugrestions.^^ In their report 
issued shortly thereafter, there is an account of the beginning 
of a school in Willistown, which is as the following: 

The committee in the care of schools report that a school is kept in 
the new house built in Willistown by a Friend, and endeavors are used 
to have it conducted as near as may be to the directions of the Yearly 
Meeting, and the building of a house for the master is proposed and a 
considerable sum of money is subscribed towards the same, provided a 
sufficiency can in like manner be raised.^^ 

Another report for 1785 gives the state of schools for that 
date. 

There are several schools in the verge of our monthly meeting, kept by 
members of our society, one of which belongs to the monthly meeting, 
with several acres of land, whereon Friends are now building a house for 
a master, which when completed there wiU be a small fund towards 
schooling poor children.^" 

The chief concern to which the committee now addressed 
itself was the problem as to how they might establish a per- 
manent fund for the schooling of poor children in their limits. 
For this problem they seem to have found a satisfactory 
solution for the time being, in 1786, which they reported to 
the monthly meeting for its approval. It appears to have 
been satisfactory to the meeting in the following form, the 



»«Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 3 — 8 — 1782. 
^Ubid., I — 9 — 1784. 

PHbid., 8—6—1784. 
^'^Ibid., 8—5—1785. 



Schools in Chester County 



133 



essential features being the same as those incorporated in the 
plans of meetings already mentioned. 

We, the subscribers, do hereby promise to pay unto .... treas- 
urer for Friends' schools, within the compass of Goshen Monthly 
Meeting, or to other Friends as may be from time to time appointed by 
said committee to that service, the sum of money severally written 
against our names, which sums are so subscribed to be and remain a 
permanent fund under the care of and direction of the monthly meeting's 
committee of the people called Quakers, held at Goshen for the time 
being, appointed for this and other such purposes relative to schools, to 
be by them laid out in such manner as they shall from time to time 
judge most conducive to securing an income to the said schools, v/hich 
income or annuity so arising therefrom to be applied to the education of 
such children as live within the compass of Goshen Monthly Meeting, 
whose parents, whether Friends or others, are not of ability to pay for the 
same and other such purposes as a majority of said committee shall from 
time to time direct, consistent with the object of the institution. Wit- 
ness our hands — etc.^i 

For the nexl six years there are but two reports worthy of 
attention, which may be briefly summarized in this manner: 

1787 

1. One school, under the monthly meeting, 
a. has a large school house, and 

h. a dwelling house and garden for a master, who 

c. is a member of Friends 

d. The school is in charge of a standing committee 

2. Another school house, whose 

a. master is a member of Friends, but 

h. the house is not Friends' property.^^ 
1792 
I. There is a school in Williston 

a. kept by a member of Friends, 

h. cared for by a standing committee of the monthly 
meeting, 

c. much in accord with yearly meeting's demands. 

d. There has been no increase in the permanent fiind 

since last year.^^ 
The report of the standing monthly meeting's committee 
in 1795 notes these further advances. The reference to the 



Goshen plan 
for establish- 
ing funds 



similar to 
others 



The state of 
schools in 

1787 



1792 



«iMin. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 8— 11- 
^Uhid., 8— 10— 1787. 



-1786. 
^^Foid., 7- 



-6 — 1792. 



134 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



1795 



One school 
closed tem- 
porarily 



Union school 
of 1779 



purchase of ground in Willistown would lead to the belief that 
the school of Willistown mentioned in the report of 1792 was 
not located on the meeting's property; but the tenor of the 
report of 1784 leaves the impression that the "new house" 
might have been the meeting's property.®* The report of 
1795 is as follows: 

The meeting's committee in the care of schools report that they have 
for some time had in contemplation the establishment of another school 
within the verge of the monthly meeting to be conducted agreeable to 
the advice of the Yearly Meeting, and have so far proceeded as to have 
purchased 4^4 acres of land of Samuel Thomas in Willistown, which is 
deeded to some Friends in trust for the use and benefit of Goshen 
Monthly Meeting, to improve, alter, sell, or otherwise as the meeting 
may think proper, or time show to be necessary; therefore, if the 
monthly meeting unites with our proceedings, we desire they may take 
the same under their patronage.^^ 

In 1796 the school at Goshen was apparently closed for 
several months, though the reference made to this fact may 
have been to one at Willistown f^ exactly which one can not 
be deciphered from the minutes. In 1797 the committee 
reported a house had been built on the ground lately pur- 
chased (presimiably that mentioned in the report of i79S)^^ 
and a school was being kept therein, according to the advices 
in all respects, save the membership of the master being out- 
side of Friends.®^ "The other school" was taught by a 
member, and was very much as might be desired in all 
respects.®^ One of the schools (not clear which one) became 
vacant again for a short time in 1798.'"' 

What became of the school established about 1779 b}'- 
Bradford, Goshen, and Birmingham^^ is not made clear by 
Goshen records. It is probable that when the two schools 
at Willistown and Goshen came under their direction, they 
ceased to have any further connection with the earlier one in 
East Bradford. Further mention will be made of the East 



'''•See page 132. 

«5Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 4 — 10 — 1795. 

^^Ibid., 8—5 — 1796. 

^^See page 132. 

68Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 8—11- 

^Hbid. 

7076id.,8— 10— 1798. 

'^Seepage 131. 



-1797. 



Schools in Chester County 



135 



Bradford school in the material presented for that monthly- 
meeting, in the pages just following. It may be only briefly 
mentioned in this connection that in 1797 the Goshen meeting 
appointed a committee to secure subscriptions for the yearly 
meeting's boarding school which had been proposed in 
1794,'^ and was opened for students in 1799.''^ 

Some meetings for worship by the Friends in the district, 
later to be known as Bradford Meeting, were held as early as 
1719,''^ and regular meetings for worship were established in 
1725.^^ Not until 1737, however, had they become of suffi- 
cient importance to warrant the establishment of a monthly 
meeting.''^ 

In 1762 Bradford's minutes refer to settling the affairs and 
providing for the support and the education of the children.'' 
It was proposed that application be made to the next court 

that those under indenture to might be bound out so 

as to have a Christian education, and to enable them "to 
acquire a livelihood with reputation. ' ''' ^ It is implied that the 

Mr. had not provided for them properly in those 

respects. In 1765 fourteen epistles were received and directed 
to be read in each of the preparative meetings (Bradford and 
Caln).'^ Though no school is mentioned at these early dates, 
there seems to be no doubt that schools were in operation, 
perhaps a sort of family school. This brief extract would 
indicate that the above assumption is not without foundation : 

Two of the Friends appointed report they had an opporttmity with 
Benjamin Faris respecting schooling of Isaac Few, and that he informed 
them that he would undertake to school him for the term of one year, 
for the sum of £25, which proposal the meeting compUes with and agrees 
to pay the half.*" 

The cost of this schooling was paid by the two preparative 
meetings which produced their quotas four months later. ®^ 



™See page 73f . 

''^Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., i — 6 — 1797. 

^^Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 9 — 9 — 1719. 

''^IMd., 3 — 10 — 1725. 

^^See page 122; also Bunting, 51. 

"Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 6— 18— 1762. 

^^Ibid. 

''^Ibid., 12 — 13 — 1765. 

^oibid., 4—7—1767. 

^Ubid., 8— 14— 1767. 



Bradford 

meeting 

established 



136 



'^arly Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Three 

schools 

established; 

a committee 

to assist inj 

establishing 

others 



Thenceforward, till 1778, nothing of note is recorded, save 
occasional notices of the education of the youth. 
The year 1778 produced the following minute: 

The extracts of last Yearly Meeting were produced here and read, 
containing much seasonable advice and instruction which is recom- 
mended to the solid consideration and observation of individuals; in 
particular, that of encouragement of proper schools for the instruction 
of youth in useful learning. ^^ 

Like an electric current suddenly shunted into the circuit, 
these extracts of 1777 and 1778 seemed to increase the voltage 
in the wires of the organization, producing a general hum of 
activity. A comjuittee, immediately appointed, reported in 
1779 they had considered the situation, ^^ and in 1780 pro- 
duced the report which is given below. As will be noted, 
their report mentions the "Union School" of Goshen, East 
Bradford and Birmingham, which has already received some 
consideration in the case of Goshen. ^^ 

We, the committee appointed in the care of schools, report that most 
of us attended to the appointment and have several times met and con- 
ferred together and have given our assistance toward the settling of a 
school between Goshen, Bradford, and Birmingham Preparative Meet- 
ing in a new schoolhouse built by Friends ; one at East Bradford in the 
old schoolhouse near the meeting house; one at East Cain kept at the 
meeting house at present, agreed to be under the direction of Friends 
nearly agreeable to the Advices of the Yearly Meeting; and we think it 
expedient to appoint Friends to take the necessary care of said schools ; 
but there appear to be many Friends that are not yet accommodated 
with suitable schools, and we think a committee of a few Friends to be 
continued to assist therein will be necessary, all of which we submit to the 
meeting. (Signed by the committee). . . . 

Which being read and considered, the meeting appoints William England, 
William Cooper, Humphrey Marshall, and Thomas Baldwin to have the 
care of the school near Bradford Meeting House, and Thomas Fisher, 
Griffith Mendenhall, Isaac Coates and Isaac Pim to have the care of the 
school now kept in the meeting house at East Cain, who are desired to 
take the necessary care therein and the former committee is still con- 
tinued.^^ 

A subsequent report of 1781 points out that an additional 
school lias been established, presumably through the coopera- 



s^Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 12— 15— 1778. 

^Ibid., 2 — 12 — 1779. 

^■"See page 133!. 

8%Iin. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 5— 12— 1780. 



Schools in Chester County 



137 



tion of the meetings of Bradford, Kennett, and New Garden. ^^ 
The records of Kennett and New Garden do not seem to 
recognize this cooperative school, however. To the writer, 
it seems that the probable state of affairs was that the one 
school was so located that it was patronized by the three 
communities though its direction lay in the hands of Bradford 
Meeting. The contiguous situation of the townships makes 
this a plausible and a probable solution. The school was soon 
to be discontinued for a time.^^ The report of 1781 is here- 
with submitted. 

The Friends in the care of schools report that they attended the school 
set between this meeting, New Garden, and Kennett Monthly Meetings, 
and purpose taking further care therein; and those to have the care of 
the school at Bradford report that a school is held there in pretty regular 
order, considering the situation of the master in regard to his sight, and 
they that had the care of the school at East Cain informed that they 
had divers opportunities with the master and scholars, and are of the 
mind that further care in that respect is necessary; which being con- 
sidered, this meeting continues the said Friends and desires that they 
may attend to the service for which they are appointed. ^^ 

The conditions presented in the report of the second month 
rem.ained the sam.e, save that the school between Kennett, 
New Garden, and Bradford was reported "discontinued" in 
the sixth month, 1781.^^ Later in that j^ear, the old commit- 
tee was released and a new list of men, Thomas Baldwin, Joel 
Harlan, Thomas Sugar, Nathan Cooper, Benjamin Hanley, 
John Hoopes, Thomas Fisher, Griffith Mendenhall, Samuel 
Fisher, and George Harrison constituted a "standing com- 
mittee."®" In 1782 four schools were reported;®^ in 1783, 
several schools not entirely agreeable to the desires expressed 
in the Yearly Meeting's Advices;®^ in 1784, three are reported 
in the verge of Bradford Particular Meeting, m_ostly under 
the direction of Friends, but "none at either of the Cains" 
(East or West).®^ Subsequent reports shovvr that the cessa- 
tion of the schools at Cain was only temporary. The 
presentation of this very brief span of their history may be 



8«Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 2 — 16— 1781. 

^Uhid., 6— 16— 1 78 1. 

^^Ihid., 2 — 16— 1 78 1. ^^Ihid., 2 — 15 — 1782. 

^Hbid., 6— 16— 1781. ^Hhid., 8— 15— 1783. 

^^Ibid., 9 — 14 — 1781. ^^Ihid., 2 — 13 — 1784. 



A school 
between 
Bradford, 
Kennett and 
New Garden 



Four schools 
reported by 
committee 



138 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Report of 
1792 



Uwchlan 



Education of 
Negroes 
mentioned 
in 1765 



Three 
schools 
mentioned 
in 1779 



closed with an abbreviated statement of a committee report 
made in 1792.^^ 

1 . We visited four schools in our verge, one more left, making five. 

2. The fifth is likely to be discontinued soon. 

3. Number 

one near Bradford Meeting House (in care of Friends), 
one in East Bradford (part Friends and part not), 
one in East Cain (the masters not members of Friends, but will- 
ing to be -under their direction). 
4. The committee was released on request. 

In the same year that Uwchlan became a monthly meeting, 
the Friends entered a protest, saying that the making of wills 
was too much neglected, but that such as were made were not 
misapplied. ^^ It is quite probable that the first statement is 
an indication of a philanthropic spirit in the meeting, between 
which and educational activity there has been noted a high 
correlation. Moreover, their explicit statement in 1765 
concerning the education of the negroes would indicate the 
education of their own children was already taken care of.^^ 
The usual transformation in the kind of reports, noted in 
other meetings about 1778 and following, is likewise apparent 
in the meeting at present under discussion. 

Though a school committee was appointed much earlier 
(1779) there was a very definite report made before 1782. 
Two reports made then in successive months are worthy of 
our attention. 

The committee respecting schools report that they have attended to 
the service, having visited one school, the master whereof is a member 
of this meeting, to a good degree of satisfaction, some of the employers 
and scholars being present. They are continued to proceed in that 
service as way may open and report to next meeting^''. . . 

And a month later 

The Friends appointed report that they have visited two other schools, 
the masters whereof and many of the employers are members of this 
meeting, and .... being enabled to communicate some advice, 
which appeared to be well received, they are continued.^* 

In 1783 a new committee was commissioned to procure a 
particular statement of the schools wherein Friends were con- 



^■'Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 9 — 14 — 1792. 

s^Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 8 — 3 — 1763, 22. 

^^Ibid., 3— I— 1765, 66. 

^Uhid., II — 7 — ^1782, 132. ^^Ibid., 12 — 5 — 1782, 106. 



Schools in Chester County 



139 



cern.ed either as masters or as employers, viz.: Thomas 
Richards, Jesse Jones, Joshua Baldwin, Reuben John, William 
Millhouse, Griffith John, Simon Meredith, William Cooper, 
Elihu Evans, Aaron Duncan, and Joseph Starr. ^^ This com- 
mittee is not to be confused with the trustees of the school 
funds, who were entirely distinct, and whose sole function was 
to receive and apply the funds for the education of the indi- 
gent children. The trustees' report stated in 1784 that the 
amount of the legacies and donations up to that date 
amounted to £ 120/10/00.1°° 

Near this time, very probably in 1784, a new school was 
established by Friends at Nantmeal, for which Uwchlan 
Meeting appointed a special committee which was to make a 
report; the report made in 1785 stated that they had visited 
the school and found it well conducted. ^^^ In 1787, the school 
committee produced a report on all schools, which was to be 
sent to the quarterly meeting. It embodied some statement 
of the results achieved, difficulties to be faced, and further 
gave an insight into the cooperation of Friends in the "mixed 
schools" of their communities. As sent to the quarterly 
meeting, the report was as follows : 

We of the committee appointed to essay a report to the quarterly- 
meeting of the situation of our members in regard to schools and the 
progress of our monthly meeting in that important concern, having had 
several conferences and opportunities of enquiring into that subject, 
report as follows: that some have been appointed and continued from 
time to time by our monthly meeting for several years past, who have 
used many endeavors to promote the establishment of schools agreeable 
to the advices of the Yearly Meeting; but our number generally living 
so remote from each other, has prevented much progress being made 
therein, save one house being built by Friends at Nantmeal nearly on 
the plan proposed, in which a school has been kept some time, but now 
dropped for want of a salary for the master, there not being a sufl&cient 
number of Friends settled contiguous thereto nor to each other, in any 
other part of our meeting to support a school; and the boarding out of 
our children appears an expense too heavy for many of us, so that we are 
generally in the practice of schooling our children in a mixed manner, 
though mostly under the tutorage of Friends, or persons friendly dis- 
posed, to whom some care has been extended and their schools frequently 



New 

committee 

appointed 



The state 
of funds 



School set 
up at 
Nantmeal 



Report of 
1787 



Nantmeal 

school 

discontinued 



s^Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 12 — ^4 — 1783, 158. 

^°°Ibid., 2-5-1784, 162. ^°Ubid., 2-10-1785, li 



140 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



London 
Grove 



Committee 
of men and 
women 
appointed 
for schools 



Flan pro- 
duced for 
settling 
schools 



visited by our committee some time back. Signed by order of the school 
committee by William Millhouse, clerk.i"^ 

In 1794, the London Grove Monthly Meeting, just created, 
began its educational work by appointing a committee to 
take subscriptions for a fund to support a "regular school. "^°^ 
In 1795, the preparative meeting proposing that a standing 
com,mittee be appointed to inspect the necessities of the poor 
and the school education of their children, the following were 
named to unite with a committee of women on that concern, 
viz.: Samuel Swayne, Josiah Hoopes, John Man, and 
Jonathan Buslow.^*** Four months later the committee 
appointed to raise the funds by subscription (see above) 
reported that a sum of "more than fifty pounds" was already 
subscribed. ^"^ No statement of the number of schools 
established in the limits of the London Grove Meeting is 
given between the time of its establishment and the end of the 
century; nor are any other details vouchsafed. It will 
suffice for a voucher of their intentions and the work actually 
begun in that period, to insert the following statement of 
their plan for founding their schools. 

Pursuant to the advice and recommendations of the Yearly Meeting 
of Friends for many years, and excited by consideration in our own 
minds for an improvement of the school education of the youth, espec- 
ially those in low circumstances, v/e, the subscribers hereto, have agreed 
to promote the raising of a fund or stock, the increase whereof to be for 
the benefit of the several schools which are or may be under the care of 
London Grove Monthly Meeting, and to be distributed amongst them 
at the direction of a committee of the said meeting, appointed from time 
to time in the care of schools. The sum annexed to each of our names 
we hereby engage each for himself or heirs, executors and administrators 
respectively, to pay or to cause to be paid to such Friend or Friends as 
the abovesaid monthly meeting shall appoint as treasurer for the same, 
and that at any time, when demanded, after the whole subscription 
amounts to the sum of fifty pounds. The treasurer, so appointed, we 
enjoin to be subject to the inspection and control of the said monthly 
meeting and to render a fair and true account thereto of his proceedings 
therein once a year, and if the said meeting shall at any time see cause 
to release the treasurer, then he shall give up his accounts and pay the 



lo^Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 8—9—1787, 235. 
lo^Iin. London Grove Mtg., 12— 3— 1794, 56. 
i^^Z/nrf., 3' — 4—1795, 62. 
^"'-Ibid., 7—1—1795. 73- 



Schools in Chester County 



141 



money or transfer such other property as may be tmder his care, apper- 
taining to the said fund unto such other Friends as the monthly meeting 
may appoint to succeed him in the said trust. Our subscriptions, until 
they amount to fifty pounds or upwards, we direct to be kept in stock 
and be deposited in some safe way so as to produce increase either by a 
loan upon land at the discretion and direction of the said monthly 
meeting or committee thereof. The interest, rent, or increase whereof 
we direct to be applied for the benefit of the aforesaid schools in such a 
manner and at such times as the school committee of the said monthly 
meeting for the time being, or a majority of them shall direct. And 
although our present endeavor may appear feeble and small, yet we trust 
and hope it may gradually increase so as to become more useful in tinie.^"^ 

There remains to be presented in this chapter the activities 
of Sadsbury Meeting, which, though outside the limits of 
Chester County, was made up very largely of members 
residing in Chester County.^"' The most distinctly educa- 
tional work of any sort was the youths' meeting, which was 
very frequently mentioned as early as 1739, only two years 
after they became a monthly meeting. ^"^ Numerous state- 
ments of these meetings occur throughout the first thirty 
years and more. Attention was also directed to a care for 
the children of the poor. 

One of the Friends appointed in the case of John Marsh's child report 
they attended the service and met with some encouragement concerning 
the education of the child, the person with whom it resides being its 
grandmother; the meeting concludes to leave it under the care and 
notice of Henry Marsh, the child's uncle."* 

In 1779 the first com.mittee to carry out the instruction of 
1777 and 1778 was appointed, consisting of the following 
m.embers: James Miller, Andrew Moore, and Samuel 
Simons."" They were to afford assistance to each of the 
preparative meetings (Sadsbury and Leacock). This they 
reported in the second month they had done; James Moore, 
Isaac Taylor, John Moore, James Smith, Abraham Gibbons, 
and James Webb were then appointed to do the work."^ In 
1782 a visit was made to Sadsbury Meeting by the committee 



"^Min. London Grove Mtg., 11 — 4 — 1795, 78. 
^"^Futhey and Cope, Hist. Chester Co., 239. 
"8Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 3 — 6—1739, 7. 
^^Hhid., 6— 21— 1769, 180. 
'^^^Ihid., I — 20 — 1779, 297. 
^^Ubid., 2 — 20 — 1779, 298. 



Sadsbury 



Youths' 
meetings 
established 
in 1739 



Committee 
appointed 
on schools 



142 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



School at 

Sadsbury 

mentioned 



Discon- 
tinued, but 
not long 



Barclay's 

Catechism 
for use in 
schools 



Lampeter 
requests to 
build school- 
house, 1792 



appointed by the quarterly meeting.^^^ They reported 
further at that time: 

The Monthly Meeting committee has it under care and there is a 
school set up at Sadsbury, and it is closely recommended to Friends for a 
further progress and to the committee of this meeting in particular, to 
which George Cooper, Andrew Moore, and Joseph Dickinson are 
added.i" 

The conditions remain substantially the same for the five 
subsequent years, with frequently interspersed reports, made 
to the monthly meetings and to be sent to the quarterly 
meeting. In that year, as the following report shows, the 
school at Sadsbury was discontinued, and the old committee 
removed to make place for a new one. 

Several Friends of the committee respecting schools report they have 
conferred together since the last meeting, and it doth not appear that 
there is any school at this time within the verge of this meeting under the 
care and direction of Friends, and the said committee expressing their 
desire to be released, the meeting consents thereto, yet in order to keep 
aUve the concern and promote a matter so interesting, concludes to 
appoint a fresh committee, and James Miller, John Moore, son of James, 
Isaac Taylor, and Joseph Williams, Joseph Brinton, Moses Brinton, 
William Downing, and Gains Dickinson are appointed for the service.^^* 

It is not ascertainable from the minutes just how long this 
school remained closed, but a minute of 1789, directing that 
Barclay's Catechism be distributed for the use of the schools, 
indicates that it was not discontinued for a long time.^^^ 
Isaac Taylor, R. Moore, William Gibbons, and William 
Webb were appointed to distribute the said books. "^ 

In 1792, Lampeter Preparative Meeting (called Leacock 
in 1732, but changed to Lampeter in 1749)^^' laid before the 
monthly meeting a request to be permitted to build a school 
house on or near their meeting house land for the purpose of a 
boarding school to be under the care of the monthly meeting."^ 
Their request was not acted upon until the next meeting 
when it was referred to a committee of eleven men, who were 



"^Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 6 — 19 — 1782, 337. 
"*Ibid., 3—21 — -1787, 39f. 
^^^Ibid., 6—17 — 1789, 70. 

"'Futhey and Cope, Hist. Chester Co., 239. 
"^Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 2 — 22 — 1792, 106. 



^^Ubii. 



Schools in Chester County 



143 



to consider the proposals and report their judgment to the 
monthly meeting when convenient. ^^^ It appears from the 
following extract of the monthly meeting that they were 
somewhat critical. 

The committee appointed to consider the proposals of Lampeter 
Preparative Meeting for building a school house made a report in 
writing, which not meeting the approbation of this meeting, is returned 
and Joseph Brinton, Abraham Gibbons, WilUam Brinton, James Smith, 
John Ferris, James Cooper, and Levi Powell are added to the former 
committee and William Webb is requested to consider the matter and 
report to the next meeting.^^" 

At the session of the monthly meeting held two months later, 
the newly appointed committee was successful in getting a 
satisfactory hearing for their decision in regard to the Lampe- 
ter Boarding School. 

The proposal of Lampeter Preparative Meeting comes again under 
consideration and the following report being produced and divers times 
read, is concurred with. 

To Sadsbury Monthly Meeting — 

We, the committee appointed to consider Lampeter's proposals for 
building a school house and having again met and had a solid conference 
together unite in jxidgment that the proposals are nearly agreeable to the 
advices of the Yearly Meeting and under the present circumstances are 
of the mind the monthly meeting may be safe in leaving that meeting at 
liberty to erect a building proportioned in size to their Friends and the 
probabilities of what may be obtained by subscription (which is sub- 
mitted to the meeting by James Miller and signed by fourteen others). 
6 — 25 — 1792.121 

In 1793, the school committee recommended in the follow- 
ing report that more definite steps be taken to meet the 
demand of the yearly meeting in regard to (i) the accommo- 
dations for a master and (2) the establishment of a permanent 
school fund. 

The committee in the care of schools made the following report in 
writing which, after being solidly considered, is adopted and the clerk 
is directed to furnish each preparative meeting with a copy of this 
minute together with the report of the committee (which follows). 
Most of the committee appointed in the care of establishing well regu- 
lated schools for the instruction of our youth report they met twice on 



Committee's 
suggestions 
for Lampeter 
school not 
accepted 



The accepted 
report 



"^Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 3—21 — 1792, 107. 
^^°Ibid., 5 — 23 — 1792, 109. 
^UMd., 7 — 10 — 1792, 112. 



144 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Funds to be 
raised 



Plans for 
raising funds 
adopted 



the subject and solidly considering the same, beHeve it would be right 
for the monthly meeting to recommend to Sadsbury Preparative Meet- 
ing the making of such suitable provisions for the accommodation of a 
school master as is recommended by the Yearly Meeting Minute of 
1778 — That Sadsbury and Lampeter Preparative Meetings be stirred up 
to use their endeavors to raise such funds for their respective meetings 
by subscription as is recommended — as well as in a minute of our last 
quarterly meeting, by William Webb (and five others) .^^z 

By a later minute we are informed that an instrument of 
writing (subscription plan) has been drawn up for the purpose 
of raising funds, ^^^ which, however, did not prove wholly 
satisfactory, ^24 q^^ ^a,s postponed for further consideration. 
As presented finally and accepted on twelfth month, loth, 
1793, the plan for raising permanent funds was as follows: 

Whereas the Yearly Meeting is impressed with a sense of the advan- 
tages that would arise from a religious education of our youth, has fre- 
quently recommended the establishment of schools under the care of a 
standing committee of monthly or partictdar meetings and especially in 
1778, recommended the promoting a subscription towards a fund, the 
increase whereof might be employed in paying the master's salary, if 
necessary, and promoting the education of poor Friends' children. This 
provision may be made to take in poor children of Friends or others 
taught gratis or at such moderate rates as their parents or guardians can 
afford to pay at the discretion of the trustees, etc. 

And we, the subscribers, writing with the above recommendations and 
willing to part with a portion of the substance, we as stewards are blessed 
with, in order to carry the same into effect (provided always, neverthe- 
less, that no part of the fimd shall ever be applied towards paying the 
master's salary so as to reduce the schooUng of children who are in 
affluent circumstances, lower than 40 shiUings per annum, and may be 
raised at the discretion of the trustees), do hereby promise for ourselves, 
oiu: heirs, and executors, or administrators to pay, or cause to be paid, 
the several sums to our names annexed, to the trustees for .... 
school. Otherwise, five per cent, interest from the dates respectively to 
our names prefixed until paid or till such other persons as may be 
appointed by the monthly meeting to receive the same. In witness 
whereof, . . . .^^ 

The situation of schools near the close of the century is 
shown in a report of 1797 to be as stated below. Though this 
report states no fund is established, a later report of 1798 
states that some progress has been made in that respect. ^^® 



i22Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 4 — 17 — 1793, 120. 

^^^Ibid., 5 — 13—1793, 121. ^'^'^Ihid., 12 — 10 — 1793, 128. 

^■^^Ihid., 9— 18— 1793, 125. ^^Hbid., 1—7— 1798. 175. 



Schools in Chester County 



145 



The report for 1797 is as follows: 

The committee in the care of schools report that there is no fund 
established for this purpose, yet there are three schools within the com- 
pass of our monthly meeting taught by masters who are Friends and 
are tmder the especial care of a committee of this meeting.i^? 

At the very close of the century Sadsbury Friends were 
interested in raising a fund to help in the establishment of the 
Yearly Meeting's boarding school at Westtown, Penn- 
sylvania. ^^^ 

SUMMARY 

This chapter considers the establishment of schools in 
Kennett, New Garden, Goshen, Bradford, Uwchlan, London 
Grove and Sadsbury monthly meetings. 

No early definite reference is made to education, though 
the careful interest in children's welfare is at all times evident. 
Not until the "1777 era" do the reports give any considerable 
information concerning schools. Committees were there- 
after always in attendance upon the problems of the schools. 
In 1781 a "union school" was reported between Kennett, ' 
Bradford and New Garden, which was afterwards discon- 
tinued. In 1785 they report "several schools," in partial | 
accord with demands of the yearly meeting. Land for 
Kennett school "number one" was purchased in 1792, and 
rules drawn up for its control. Their scheme for raising 
permanent ftinds was not completed until 1795. Two 
schools, taught by members of the society, were under the 
care of the meeting's committee in 1798. 

Two schools were reported at New Garden in 1779 and ' 
another was at that time proposed. Some land was con- 
veyed to the meeting in 1785 for the use of a school, and a 
house built upon it. Another piece of land was deeded by 
WiUiam Jackson in 1794 for a similar purpose. Certain 
stipulations were made concerning the school to be established 
there. It was found more consistent in summer to employ 
mistresses rather than masters. 

Though established at a late date, Goshen was very active 
educationally. Land was purchased and a house was being 



Three 

schools; 

funds 



The meetings 



Kennett 



A union- 
school 
reported 

Rules drawn 
for school, 
property 
purchased 

Two schools 
under 
Kennett 
meeting 

Two schools, 
another pro- 
posed 



Goshen 



i27Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg. 
^^Ibid., 4 — 24 — 1799, 187. 



7— 19— 1797, 168. 



146 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Two schools 



Bradford 



Three school ' 
1780 

Five schools 
1792 



Uwchlan 

Nantmeal 
School, 1789 

London 
Grove 



Sadsbury 



Lampeter 

boarding 

school 

Three 
schools 

Total, 
18 or 19 

schools 



built for a union school between Goshen, Bradford and 
Birmingham, in 1779. Committees were appointed, which 
gave reports better than those usually returned. A plan for 
funds was adopted in 1786. No further mention is found in 
regard to the union schools after the establishment of the 
schools at Goshen and Willistown. 

Bradford's first educational activity was in connection 
with the apprenticing of children. A single case in which a 
boy was put to school by the meeting occurred in 1767 ; the 
expense therefore was defrayed by the preparative meetings. 
Educational activity increased in 1778; three schools were 
reported in 1780 and a committee appointed to assist in 
establishing others. They appear to have been successful; 
five schools were reported in 1792, though one was about to 
be discontinued. Not all of the masters were Friends. 

The statement that Negroes were being educated in 1765, 
induces one to believe that Friends' children were provided 
for. Three schools were mentioned in 1779, in which the 
masters and many of the employers were Friends. In 1789 
a school was established at Nantmeal under a special com- 
mittee of Uwchlan Meeting ; it was reported discontinued in 
1787. The meeting at London Grove, established (1792), 
reported no schools in its compass before the end of the 
century; although an elaborate plan was drawn up for the 
establishment of school funds. 

Youths' meetings were established by Sadsbury as early as 
1739 and instances in which poor children were educated are 
cited for 1769. The first committee seems to have been 
appointed for schools in 1779. A school was reported for 
Sadsbury in 1782, but was later discontinued for a brief time, 
which cannot be definitely determined. In 1792 it was 
agreed that Lampeter Preparative might have permission to 
establish a boarding school. A plan for funds was drawn up, 
but no success reported in raising them until 1798. Three 
schools are reported established, and under the care of 
Quaker masters in 1797. 

The entire number of schools set up by the above named 
meetings was eighteen or nineteen. 



CHAPTER VIII 
SCHOOLS OF DELAWARE COUNTY 



The activity of the several monthly meetings in Delaware 
County in the establishment of schools will be considered 
imder the heads of the respective meetings in the following 
order, Chester, Darby, Radnor, and Concord. These are 
foiir of the earliest monthly meetings established in Penn- 
sylvania, the dates of their establishment being: Chester, 
1681; and Darby, Radnor, and Concord in 1684.^ The aim 
of this chapter, as of the others dealing with the several coun- 
ties, is to present, first the source material which has been 
found to have any bearing on the establishment of schools and 
the attitude of the monthly meetings toward them. 

Penn having come to New Castle on October 27, 
1682, and performed the ceremonies of taking possession of 
the province,^ appears to have gone thence to Upland, from 
whence he sent a letter to Ephriam Harman (dated October 
29, 1682) regarding summoning a court to be held at New 
Castle (November 2, 1682).^ But Upland was not destined 
to remain the name of the city, as Penn's biographers tell us. 
It is stated that Penn, having arrived and being filled with 
emotion at having had a successful journey, turned to a friend 
and said, "What wilt thou that I should call this place?" 
He replied, "Chester. "^ 

In passing it should be mentioned that an interest in educa- 
tion does not date entirely from the coming of the Quakers 
and the establishment of Penn's colony. The records of the 
court of Upland inform us (1679) that, without a doubt, some 
children received the advantages of an education. It may 

^Bunting, 40, 39, 19 and 42, respectively; also first vols, of each 
respective meeting's records. 

^Smith, Hist. Del. Co., 138; see also page 41, chapter on Philadelphia. 

^Ibid., 139. 

^Clarkson's Penn, I, 259; Hazard's Annals, 695. 

(147) 



The 
meetings 



Naming of 
Chester 



Education 
before com- 
ing of 
Quakers 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Property 
granted the 
meeting and 
house built 



First land 
devised for 
schools in 
1769 



Hoskins wills 
ground for 
schools 



have been very restricted, we cannot determine that. The 
records of that date state, however, that : "The Pit demands 
of this Deft 200 Gilders for teaching this Defts children to 
read one yeare."^ There is no doubt that Friends were not 
concerned with education in this case.^ 

The first meetings of Chester Monthly Meeting were held 
in the Court House^ at Chester, and meetings for worship 
usually among the members at their homes, previously 
designated.^ In March, 1686, Urin Keen conveyed in trust 
to John Simcock, Thomas Brassey, John Brinton, Caleb 
Pusey, Randall Vernon, Thomas Vernon, Joshua Hastings, 
Mordecai Maddock, Thomas Martin, Richard Few, Walter 
Faucet and Edward Carter, a piece of ground in Chester 

beginning at said Urin's lot or Garding, and so running, 60 feet along 
and fronting the street towards the prison house, thence down the lower 
edge in Chester Creek — thence along the Creek 60 feet — thence to the 
place of beginning .... to the use and behoof of the said Ches- 
ter — the people of God called Quakers and their successors forever.^ 

In the year following, it was urged by the monthly meeting 
that Friends agree with workmen to build a meeting house at 
Chester 24 feet square by 16 feet in height.^" The first meet- 
ing house, built on the ground above mentioned, was com- 
pleted about 1793.^^ 

The earliest record of schools established by Friends dates 
back to about 1770. Though this is the first record of a 
device of property for the purpose, and the minutes of the 
meeting are also negHgent of educational affairs, it does not 
seem probable to the writer that the locality was without 
schools. There were probably neighborhood schools, not 
subject to any organization on the part of the meeting. On 
December 31, 1769, Joseph Hoskins, a Friend, willed a lot 
of ground for the use of schools, ^^ and though his death did 



Smith, Hist. Del. Co., 121; Hazard, 



^Rec. Upland Court, 121; 
Annals, 462. 

^Would not likely take the case to court. 

^It appears from a record of sale that the court house was sold to 
Robert Wade, 1686. (Record of sale quoted in Jordan, Hist. Del. 
Co., I, 112.) 

sjordan, Hist. Del. Co., I, 104; Smith, Hist. Del. Co., 137. 

9Smith, Hist. Del. Co., 166. 

lORec. of Chester Mo. Mtg., 1687, I.; Smith, 166. 

"Smith, 188. i^jordan, II, 441. 



Schools of Delaware County 



149 



not occur till some years later, the meeting appears to have 

known of the intended bequest and to have built a school 

house in 1770.^^ It was further ordered by the will that the 

sum of thirty pounds be paid to John E5rre and James 

Barton for the schooling and education of such poor children pogj. ^^ ^g 

of the inhabitants of the borough of said Chester as the schooled 

preparatiA^e meeting shall for the time being think fit to order 

and direct.^* Mr. Jordan in his history of the county, 

describes the schoolhouse: 

The schoolhouse was built of bricks, laid in Flemish bond, the ends 
of the headers being burnt black, a style much in vogue at that time. 
In the south gable large numerals, 1770, were inserted in the wall, the 
figures being formed by the black ends of the headers.^^ 

The school mentioned in the committee's report on schools 
situated at Middletown,^^ was established by Friends in 1783, 
but an earlier school existed (1740), according to Mr. Jordan,^'^ 
the buildings for the same having been donated by Thomas 
Yamall and Thomas Minshall, whose names are very 
prominently mentioned in Quaker records. The meeting 
minutes make no mention of such a school being established, 
however, and it must be understood to have been entirely on 
individual initiative. In 1791, Enock Taylor and wife, 
Quakers, conveyed a quarter acre of land to the use of Chester 
Monthly Meeting of Friends for the use of a school. ^^ Judg- 
ing, however, from the later reports of the monthly meeting 
we would be led to believe that no school was established at 
that time.^^ On December 20, 1791, David Hall conveyed 
adjoining property for the same use.^" 

About 1775 the monthly meeting became more active in 

regard to its interest in schools, appointing committees to Committees 

investigate conditions and report the state to its sessions.^^ appointed 

In 1779 and 1 781, there appeared two reports on the condition on education 



School at 
Middletown 
probably in 
1740 



Land 

donated by 
Taylor 
and wife 



13 Jordan, II, 441. 

i«Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 1—27— 1800. 

i^ordan, II, 43—45- 

^^Ibid. 

i^The absence of any mention of it in the meeting records. 

^''The writer was unable to find a record of this deed. 

21N0 committee reports were noted before that date. 



ISO 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Subscrip- 
tions to be 
started for 
funds 



Qualified 

teachers 

scarce 



of the Negroes and their education which are presented in 
another chapter.^^ In 1782 there likewise appeared a report 
of the committee on schools in general. ^^ This committee, 
appointed in accord with the suggestions of the yearly meet- 
ing, agreed substantially that the best way to the establish- 
ment of schools systematically, was to arrange for a subscrip- 
tion which might be applied to that use at the discretion of 
the monthly meeting. This was to be used for paying the 
master's salary, and to educate poor Friends' children, where 
it mght appear to be of advantage to do so.^* These sugges- 
tions were directed to be copied and put into the hands of the 
members in each of the preparative meetings. ^^ Three 
months thereafter, the meeting appointed a treasurer for 
funds and a committee for the oversight of schools, who were 
to act in general accord with the suggestions made in the first 
report.^^ The minute of the meeting of that date runs as 
follows : 

A form of subscription was proposed which might be entered into by 
those who desired, and was approved by the meeting and all urged to 
forward the signing of it.-' 

The work thus started was not entirely satisfactory to the 
committee, however. They report that "the work goes very 
slowly" and name, as one cause, the great difficulty of getting 
suitable teachers.^^ Provision seems to have been made for 
the schooling of poor children, "such as can conveniently be 
sent. "2^ This reference may mean that all such were schooled 
who were within reach of a school, or that they sent all for 
whom they had a sufficient fund. In 1 783 they acknowledged 
the receipt of the most recent advices of the yearly meeting 
which again recommended the serious subject of schools to 
their attention. Again in 1792 we find this minute: 

The subject of schools being now resumed and the several paragraphs 
contained in the extracts of 1778, 1779 and 1789 being read relative 
thereto, Friends, of the several preparative meetings are desired to pay 



22See chapter on Negroes, page 228. 
23Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 1—28— 1782, 
"^^Ibid. ^^Ibid. 

^^Ibid., 4—29—1782. ""Ibid. 

^^Ibid., 7—28—1783, 130. ^Hbid. 



87. 



Schools of Delaware County 



iSi 



close attention to the several repeated advises of the yearly meeting no 
this important subject.^" 

In 1796 the concern of a boarding school, which we have 
found was also interesting all of the other monthly meetings, 
in the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, came also to the atten- 
tion of Chester. They indicated their willingness to cooperate 
in the scheme by the appointment of a committee, which 
appears from a minute made in the meeting in 1793. 

William Worrall, Daniel Sharpless, Josiah Rhoads, Edward Fell, 
Mahlon Parsons, Roger Dirks, Thomas Sharpless and Jacob Minshall 
are appointed to prepare a subscription paper and promote Friends' 
subscriptions towards the establishment and support of the boarding 
school agreeable to the recommendations of our last Yearly Meeting, 
and report of their care to next or a future meeting.^i 

The general state of schools under the meeting's jurisdic- 
tion is made known by the following report sent in by the 
school committee to the monthly meeting held on 1-2 7-1800. 

The committee appointed to the care of schools report there are three 
kept within the verge of this meeting under Friends care, viz. : 

I. One at Springfield taught by a Friend. 

I. One at Middletown, taught by a person not in membership. 

3. One at Blue Hill under similar circumstances, all of which we trust 
are conducted in a good degree orderly, but that there has been little or 
no addition to our fund since last year, except what it has increased by 
use. The school committee also informs that the Friends who were by 
the last will of our Friend George Miller and James Turner, left trustees 
to the lots at Blue Hill have conveyed the same by instruments of writing 
duly executed as follows, to wit: the dwelling house and lot to Jacob 
Minshall, Edward Fell, Ambrose Smedley, Isaac Sharpless, John Hill, 
Jr., and Joseph Pennell, Jr., and the schooUiouse and lot to George 
Miller, Edward Fell, Ambrose Smedley, James Smedley, Isaac Sharpless, 
John Hill, Jr., and Joseph Jonnell, Jr., which said conveyances have 
since been recorded and are lodged with the other writings relating 
thereto, in the hands of the treasurer of the school fund which is satisfac- 
tory to the meeting.'^ 

The Blue Hill School, mentioned in the above report of the 
committee, no doubt dated back to a few years following 
1 791, in which James Turner bequeathed his "Blue Hill 
Estate" to George Miller for the use of schools established at 
the direction of Chester Monthly Meeting.^^ 



Subscrip- 
tions pro- 
moted for 
boarding 
school 



Three 

schools 

under 

Chester 

Meeting 



30Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 4 — 30 — 1792, 347. 

^^Ibid., 12 — 26 — 1796, 447. 

^"^Ibid., I — 27 — 1800, 508. ^^Ibid., 5 — 30 — 1791, 319. 



IS2 



Early Qttaker Education in Pennsylvania 



"Blue HiU" 

estate 
bequeathed 
by James 
Tiimer 



Legacy from 

Thomas 

Evans 



Printing 
encoiu-aged 
by the 
meeting 



I give, devise and bequeath to George Miller, the son of my cousin 
George Miller, my house and lot of Ground situated in the Province 
aforesaid (commonly called Blue Hill) with the appurtenances to hold 
by him and his heirs and assigns forever. 

Upon special trust and confidence, nevertheless and to and for the use, 
intent and piirpose hereinafter expressed, mentioned and declared, and 
moreover for the use of the society of Protestants, commonly called 
Quakers, of and belonging to the Monthly Meeting of Chester for the 
erecting one or more houses for the teaching and instructing youth 
therein, and aU necessary conveniences thereto belonging under and 
subject to the rules and regulations and orders of the said meeting for the 
time being forever. 

Item, I give and bequeath to my Friend Jacob Minshall, all the rest 
and residue of my estate in trust for the use of a school which may at 
times be kept at or near my lot of ground above mentioned, subject to 
the direction of the Chester Monthly Meeting.^* 

The meeting's schools also received a considerable assist- 
ance through a legacy of £50 left by Thomas Evans for the 
establishment and support of a school within the verge of 
Chester Monthly.^^ He makes it clear in his bequest that he 
has been influenced to do this by the recommendations of the 
yearl}'' m.eeting, the influence of which has been instanced in 
man}'- cases before this one. 

Not only to the advancement of education and enHghten- 
ment by means of schools alone did Friends of the Chester 
Meeting lend their encouragement. In a minute of 1689 we 
find an interesting reference to assistance proposed for the 
encouragement of printing in Philadelphia. 

The business proposed to the Friends of Philadelphia concerning 
allowing William Bradford, the printer, £40 by the year to encourage 
him to continue in the art and practise of Printing. This meeting 
approving the said proposal, orders for Darby Monthly Meeting John 
Blunston and Joshua Feame and for Chester Monthly Meeting Caleb 
Pusey, Randall Vernon and for Chichester Monthly Jacob Chandler and 
John Mendenhall to take subscription according to proposal.^^ 

We have noticed that there appeared to be very little in the 
records of the monthly meeting until about 1770 and that they 
contained little of educational interest before that time. The 
records of the Quarterly Meeting of Chester (later known as 



^-iMin. Chester Mo. Mtg. 
^^Ihid., 9 — 23 — 1785, 177. 
'«Min. Chester Q. Meeting, i; 



Schools of Delaware County 



153 



Concord) are, however, full of suggestions which indicate that 
educational interests had their attention much before that 
date, though they were not under a perfected organization. 
As early as 1732 advances were made for the care and instruc- 
tion of poor children which would fit them to earn a living. 
We may mention the financial assistance promised by Joseph 
Mead in that year. 

Our ancient Friend Joseph Mead having by letter communicated to 
this meeting his mind, signifying his willingness to do something that 
might be conducive towards a pubhc good, and in order thereto offers to 
give £50 toward a stock to be kept in this meeting for the putting of poor 
Friends' children to trades or for relieving of poor or indigent Friends 
which this meeting very kindly accepts of at the hand of said Friend.^^ 
. . . and this meeting being informed that our Friend Joseph Mead 
continues steadfast in his mind respecting his donation towards pious 
uses, and desires he may know to whom he may deliver the said gift. After 
some consideration thereon this meeting do nominate . . . Jacob 
Howell and John Davis to be receivers and are by this meeting empow- 
ered to receive the above and all such bequests . . . , in behalf of 
and for the use of this meeting, and to put out upon interest as soon as 
they conveniently can all such money into good and responsible hands 
and to render to this meeting when required thereto or to whom the said 
meeting shall appoint a true and just account of what may be delivered 
hereafter by any person or persons into their hands for the uses afore- 
said.^^ 

In 1739 the interest arising from this gift was withdrawn at 
his request and paid to the Springfield Friends to help them 
build their meeting house. ^^ 

In response to the yearly meeting's urgent request of 1746 
and 1750,^° we have their action recorded in this minute of the 
year 1754. 

According to a minute of the advice of the Last Yearly Meeting con- 
cerning the settling of schools in the country, it is agreed for the encour- 
agement thereof that the several and respective clerks of the monthly 
meetings belonging to this quarterly meeting do inquire and bring in a 
true report of all legacies, donations or estates which have been hereto- 
fore given to their respective meetings and of the uses to which the 
moneys arising therefrom are appUed, and bring the account thereof to 
our next meeting.*^ 



s^Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 6 — 14 — 1732, 128. 

^HUd., 9—13 — 1732, 129. 

^Hbid., 6— 13— 1739, 154. 

^"Advices, 250. 

«Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 5— 13— 1754, 218. 



An early 
attention to 
education 
reported by 
the quar- 
terly meeting 



Report 
required on 
state of 
legacies 



154 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Darby 



Land deeded 
for meeting 



B. Cliffs 
school 



Slight 
activity 
before 1778 



Cooperation 
of monthly 
and quar- 
terly com- 
mittees 



The meetings at Darby were at first usually held at the 
home of John Blunston, who in 1687 deeded one acre of 
ground in Darby aforesaid for the use of building a meeting 
house,^^ on which the meeting house was begun in the follow- 
ing year,^^ and finished in 1689.^^ Happily, in the case of 
Darby Meeting we can point out a definite statement con- 
cerning a school established by the meeting, and which, 
quite probably, was the first school at that place. In 1692 
the minutes note that, 

Agreed at this meeting that Benjamin Clift teach school, beginning 
the twelfth day of the 7th month, and to continue one whole year 
except two weeks.^ 

His salary for the first year is not known, but the minutes a 
year later give some clue as to the amount paid. 

Agreed at this meeting that Benjamin Clift teach school a year, begin- 
ning this 20th day of this 9th month; and to have £12/00/00.*^ 

As has occurred in all other monthly meetings thus far con- 
sidered, there was always little done in the way of organization 
and supervision of school affairs till after 1770.^'' There were 
however various committees appointed from time to time, 
especially in the case of legacies and donations which were 
quite common even at early dates. ^^ The movement towards 
better organization, however, began more earnestly in 1778, 
with the receipt of a number of letters from the yearly 
meeting, in regard to which the following minute was made : 

This meeting received a number of the general epistles from the last 
Yearly Meeting held in London and also the same number of copies of 
an epistle from the same meeting to our last Yearly Meeting, one of each 
were read at the close of the meeting for worship, to satisfaction, and the 
clerk is directed to read one of each the forepart of a first day meeting. 
The remainder were distributed amongst Friends.*^ 

In the twelfth month Darby Friends received a committee 
appointed by the quarterly meeting (Concord) to investigate 



■^Smith, Hist, of Del. Co., 166. 

^Hbid. 

^^Ibid. 

^•^Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7—7 — 1692, 54. 

'^^Ibid., 9 — 20 — 1693, 56. 

■"'See Falls p. 87f; Abington, p. losff ; and Buckingham, p. 96f. 

••^Min. Darby Mo. Mtg. 7 — 5 — 1758, 441; 7 — 5 — 1750, 322. 

*^Ibid., \2 — 3 — 1778, 263. 



Schools of Delaware County 



T-SS 



conditions and promote schools among the monthly meet- 
ings.^" John Howe, Aaron Oakford, Isaac Lloyd, Benjamin 
Lobb, and Josiah Bunting were appointed by Darby to join 
with the quarterly meeting's committee in its work.^^ The 
next year the question of building a schoolhouse occupied 
their attention. ^^ \i -^g^g proposed to deal with persons hold- 
ing some land adjoining that of the meeting, that it might be 
purchased as school property and a suitable building erected 
thereon. Finding, however, that those holding the adjacent 
property were not at the time disposed to sell, it was decided 
to begin a subscription for erecting a schoolhouse on the 
meeting's land, which has been mentioned as having been 
left to the meeting's use by John Blunston.^^ The work on 
this building was evidently begun between 1779 and 1781, as 
we may infer from the minute of the latter year. 

This meeting resuming the consideration of building a house to 
accommodate a school were informed by one of the committee that it 
appeared to be necessary the subscriptions should be enlarged before the 
work could be completed; therefore Abraham Bonsall, John Htun- 
phreys, and Phillip Price are appointed with the former committee in 
order to forward the work and to report what progress they have made 
therein to next meeting; Benjamin Lobb requesting to be released from 
the above service, Morris Truman is appointed in his room.^* 

The tenor of a minute of the meeting next following was to 
the effect that enough money had been secured for the com- 
pletion of the work.^^ 

In 1784 another visit was received from the committee of 
the quarterly meeting, whose purpose was "the establishing 
and keeping up suitable schools," as recommended in the 
several years past.^^ The reports of the committee of the 
school at this date indicate that the status was nearly what 
was expected by the yearly meeting, respecting (i) founda- 
tion, (2) masters, (3) supervision by committees, (4) accom- 
modations for the master, etc.^^ In 1787, Nathaniel Newlin 



soMin. Darby Mo. Mtg. 

^Ubid., 2—25—1779, 259. 
^See page 154. 
^*Ibid., 3 — I — 1781, 319. 
^^Ibid., 3 — 29 — 1781, 320. 
^^Ibid., I — I — 1784, 10. 
^''Ibid., 7 — 29 — 1784, 22. 



Building 
for a 
school 
proposed 



State of 
school 
satisfactory 
1784 



156 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

one of the meeting's representatives to the quarterly meeting 

brought back a request from that body for "a circumstantial 

account" of the state of schools, to be transmitted to the 

quarterly meeting the next eighth month. ^^ The said 

Nathaniel was placed on the school committee in the eleventh 

month foUowing,^^ and later, John BuU and Benjamin 

Bartram were appointed in the places of Aaron Oakford and 

Phillip Price who requested to be released.^" In the first 

month of the year following there was produced a report by 

A digest t^^ committee, which in fact became the governing document 

of report for the schools established and to be established in Darby. ^^ 

of 1790 There is presented here a digest of the report; a complete 

statement of it may be found in Chapter II. 

1. Recalling the advices of the yearly meeting, they 
recognize : 

a. the advantages arising from established schools, and 
h. the losses sustained from a want thereof. 

2. Therefore it is agreed that in the future five Friends 
should be appointed and called the Overseers of Darby School, 
three of them to be sufficient number to transact business. 

3. Their duties: 

a. Visit the school. 

h. Examine the progress of the scholars. 

c. Inspect the teacher's conduct. 

d. Employ teachers, with the approbation of the 

meeting. 

e. Discharge them in similar manner, if cause therefor 

arise. 

/. Discharge unruly pupils, who will not submit to the 
rules of the school. 

g. Settle all differences arising between the master and 
any employers. 

h. Devise some plan for raising permanent funds for 
the school ; also to receive interest from the trus- 
tees of donations given for education of the poor, 
and apply the same as intended. 



68Min. Darby Mo. Mtg.., 3—29—1787, 68. 
^^Ibid., II — I — 1787, 79. 
^^Ibid., 4—2—1789, 99f. 



Schools of Delaware County 



157 



i. Aid the trustees in getting better securities for the 

same. 
/. Minutes of their proceedings are to be kept and 

reports made to the monthly meeting once a year, 

and at other times if called for.^^ 

In 1792 the new overseers reported they had continued to 
visit the school and inspect the learning of the children, which 
they did with satisfaction, implying that aU conditions were 
as desired. ^2 In the eleventh month four new members were 
appointed to the school overseers ;^^ as it is not stated that 
any had been released, we are uncertain as to whether the 
number required had been increased or not ; qmte likely they 
were appointed only for temporary assistance. In 1793 it 
was reported from the school overseers that Benjamin Lobb 
had agreed to grant a lot of ground on the upper part of his 
plantation, to build a schoolhouse upon; the overseers pro- 
posed that the expenses be defrayed by subscription.^ A 
subscription was started for the same, and Friends desired to 
forward it, that the school might be begun. ^^ The cost of 
this school was estimated at £110.^^ It is not known just 
when this school under Friends' care was begun in Upper 
Darby but at various stages these things are known about it. 
(i) On the 28th of the third month, 1793, it was reported that 
Lobb had offered the ground, (2) the cost of the building was 
estimated, fifth month, second, 1793, at £110, (3) eighth 
month, twelfth, 1793, the Chester Quarterly Meeting received 
the report that Darby was going to establish a school for 
Friends, (4) in 1796 the committee of overseers reported, "our 
school has been kept in good degree accordingly as desired by 
the yearly meeting, "^^ (5) the committee of overseers still 
mention but one school under their care and (6) eighth month, 
second, 1798, the school overseers report that the schools are 
kept as recommended by the yearly meeting. It would 



siMin. Darby Mo. Mtg., 
page 23). 

^^Ibid., II — 29 — 1792, 160. 

^*Ibid., 3 — 28 — 1793, 165. 

^^Ihid., 5 — 2 — 1793, 166. 

^^Ibid. 

^''Ibid., 7 — 26 — 1796, 207. 



-28 — 1790, 114. (For entire report see 
^^Ibid., 8 — 2 — 1792, 157. 



New over- 
seers added 
temporarily 



Schoolhouse 
to be built 
on Lobb lot 
by sub- 
scription 



Not begun 
until 1797 
or 1798 



158 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



The state 
of education 
in 1797 and 



1798 



Support of 
schools by 
legacies 



appear then that the school did not actually begin until 
some time between 1797 and 1798,^^ since all prior reports had 
recognized but one school. 

Mr. Jordan states that in 1779 a deed set aside 24 perches 
of ground in upper Darby on the Darby-Haverford Road for 
the use of schools.^^ This seems to have no connection with 
the schools established by the meeting; it was the first 
official deed for ground for schools, but many bequests of 
great value had been made previously.^" The text of the 
minutes recording these bequests follows on a later page. 

The state of schools as reported by the committee in 1797 
was as follows: 

Our school has been kept since last accounts .... as recom- 
mended by the Yearly Meeting; visited by the overseers and the schol- 
ars learning inspected to a good degree of satisfaction. There has been 
expended for schooling children of Friends and others the sum of 
£12/10 and on settlement there appears a balance in the treasurer's 
hands of £6/15/5; the stock remains the same as at last year. Signed 
.... Morris Truman, Isaac Oakford, and John Hunt.'^ 

As mentioned above, the second school in Upper Darby 
seems to have been put into operation by 1798. The com- 
mittee's report, stimmarized, is as the following.''^ 

1. Schools kept as recommended by the yearly meeting 
since last year. 

2. Scholars' learning has been inspected. 

3. Schools have been visited. 

4. Children of the poor and of others have been schooled. 

5. Stock remains at £14/00/00 as last year. 

Signed Truman Morris, John Hunt and Isaac Oakford. 

As has been previously suggested the financial assistance to 
Darby schools came in a very considerable measure from 
legacies, left from time to time, but it was also neccessary to 
use subscription and rate plans for school support. The text 
of one of these bequests, as recorded in the Darby records, is 
given below. 



"^Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 8 — 2—1798, 243. 

"^Jordan, II, 432. 

'"Min. Darby Mo. Mtg. 1739, 258; 7 — ^5 — 1750, 322. 

~'^Ibid., 8 — 3 — 1797, 226. 

'''^Ibid., 8—2—1798, 243. 



Schools of Delaware County 



159 



Likewise I give and bequeath to my friend John Griffith, Thomas 
Pearson, and Samuel Bunting, all of Darby aforesaid, the sum of £50, 
nevertheless my aforesaid gift and bequest to them is only in trust, that 
they the said John Griffith, Thomas Pearson and Samuel Bunting shall 
reconvey and receive from the hands of my executors aforesaid the sum 
of £50 and when so received, put out the said monies to interest on good 
securities with the approbation of the monthly meeting of the people 
called Quakers in Darby aforesaid, and at the risk of those benefitted 
thereby and so from time to time forever, with the approbation of the 
said meeting for the time being. To the intent and purpose that by 
and out of the interests and profits thereof, they the said John Griffiths 
. . . . pay for the learning to read and write of such and so many 
poor Friends children in unity and church fellowship with the said people 
and belonging to the said meeting, as the said meeting shall order and 
appoint from time to time forever, and when any of my said trustees 
shall die, it is my will and mind that the said meeting shall appoint 
another to succeed and so from time to time forever J' 

Smith's History of Delaware County states that as early as 
1788 there was a school established at Radnor.''^ The first 
reference to a school found in the Radnor Monthly Meeting's 
records was in 1731.'^ At that date Richard Harrison and 
some Friends 

signified to this meeting in writing that the meeting appointed last 7th 
month to be kept at the said Richard's schoolhouse was duly and 
reUgiously kept and further requested to be permitted to keep an after- 
noon meeting .... which is allowed of and to be at four o'clock. 

The school had doubtless been in existence for at least a short 
time before that. Their answers to the fifth query in 1757 
state that they are careful of the education of the poor and 
find themselves clear of placing children from among 
Friends.^*' They also, at that date, report themselves free of 

^^Min Darby Mo., Mtg., 1739, 258. (Other bequests were made by 
Blunston and . . . the value of which in 1791, amounted to £97 15/6; 
the committee reporting thereon, add: "we are united in opinion it 
will be best to lay out the money in a building on the meeting lot and in 
order thereto have had an estimate made for a house 16 ft. by 26 ft. 
from out to out, two stories high with a cellar under the whole, which 
amounts to £160 or thereabouts." (A Committee was appointed to see 
whether this would be according to the wish of the donor. Darby Min- 
utes 12 — 29—1791, 145. In 1792 the committee reported it would be 
best to build the house for the master's accommodation with the money 
of the legacies, and use the rents arising therefrom for the schooling of 
poor children, Darby Minutes, 2 — 2 — 1792, 147.) 

^^Smith, Hist, of Del. County, 347. 

^^Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., i — 11 — 1731, 189. 

''^Ibid., I — II — 1757, 300. 



Radnor 

A school 
mentioned 
in 1731 



The poor 
educated 



i6o 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Children 
apprenticed 



Making 
wills 
recom- 
mended 



Report of 
quarterly 
meeting 



holding slaves;" likewise in 1759, in regard to both.'* In 
1768, in regard to a case of apprenticing children, this minute 
is recorded by the meeting: 

The meeting taking the request to reimburse them the expense accru- 
ing on account of Jane Atkinson, deceased, into consideration, came to a 
result of paying them as soon as we can, and as there is one of her 
children not put out yet, it is desired Samuel Humphreys and William 
Lawrence would take some care in putting them out. . . .''' 

In 1759 we find that Friends are reminded by the monthly 
meeting of the "necessary duty" of making their wills in time 
of health, and that endeavors are used to apply public gifts 
to the uses intended.*" The only "uses intended" must have 
been for some of these purposes: The support of the poor, 
their education, for negro support and education, or for purely 
religious purposes, all of which, the last one excepted, were, in 
a way, if we may judge from other meetings' practices, educa- 
tional. The suggestion of leaving bequests for public pur- 
poses, taken in connection with the answers to the fifth and 
seventh queries, and the known fact that there was a school 
in 1 73 1, lead us to believe that the Radnor Meeting was 
pretty well awake to educational problems. However true 
that may be, it is just as certain that any exact data on her 
schools are ver}'- rare for the early period before 1778. In that 
year the usual declaration of the yearly meeting at Phila- 
delphia was received concerning the question of schools.*^ 

A committee of the quarterly meeting in 1778 produced a 
report embodying certain conclusions arrived at, both as to 
causes of existing evils and the proposed solutions. Only a 
digest of this report can be given here.*^ 

1. We believe it a subject of much importance. 

2 . Corruptions have been introduced by mingling in out- 
side schools. 

3. It is necessary to have schools under masters and mis- 
tresses who take care of religious education. 



"Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., see also page228, chapter onNegro education. 

78Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 4— 10— 1759, 28. 

''Hbid., 12— 8— 1768, 220. 

«°Ibid., I— 7— 1759, 18. 

^'Advices, 250. 

82Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 8— 14— 1778, 133. 



Schools of Delaware County 



i6i 



4, We believe it our duty to spread the work through the 
yearly meeting. 

The effect of the yearly and quarterly meetings' suggestions 
was the appointment of Samuel Briggs, William Lawrence, 
Jacob Jones, John Robeson, Samuel Richards, and Daniel 
Maule to attend to the affairs of education, "as may be 
opened in the wisdom of truth. "^^ This last may, to our 
modem way of thinking, suggest rather a blind guidance, but 
not so to the old time Friends. The report to the quarterly 
meeting in 1779 does not suggest that any progress has been 
made, as was desired, save in respect to the masters employed 
in the schools. 

. . . . to attend the ensuing quarterly meeting at Philadelphia, 
and report, that the .... answers are to be transmitted as nearly 
our state. That some care has been taken to advise such negroes who 
have been restored to freedom. That the proposals respecting schools 
have been under consideration and some essays made by employing 
masters who are Friends. That small progress has been made as yet in 
laboring for the pious education of the youth. 8* 

The next step, as reported in 1781, was the appointment of 
Friends to attend each of the preparative meetings and to do 
all possible "to spread the concern" of schools and excite an 
attention thereunto. No visits were as yet made to individ- 
ual families, and the general feeling of the meeting appeared 
to be that not much progress had been made.^^ When read- 
ing these reports of the monthly meetings it is well to keep 
in mind the chief things which the yearly meeting had 
desired, (i) the establishment of permanent school funds, (2) 
employment of Friends as teachers, (3) houses and permanent 
lands, gardens and so forth to he provided for the accommodation 
of the masters, etc. With this in mind it is easy to see that 
the report of the meetings might be rather faltering even 
though they were in some manner supplied with the benefits 
of education. In 1781 the quarterly meeting advised those 
still unsuccessful in their attempts to meet the set standards 
"should be animated and encouraged to give weighty atten- 



Committee 
appointed 
on education 



Preparatives 
visited 



The demands 
of the yearly 
meeting 



^Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 10 — 13 — 1778, 139. 
^^Ihid., 7 — 13 — 1779, 169. 
^Ibid., 7 — 10 — 1781, 233. 



l62 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Purchase of 
ground pro- 
posed t 



Report of 
1791 



Two schools 
under 
Friends' 
meeting 



Haverford 
and Radnor 



tion to this important matter. "^^ The only success achieved 
by Radnor, according to their own report, was in the employ- 
ment of Friends for school masters. ^^ In 1786, 

The important subjects .... relative to schools engages in 
some degree the minds of Friends here but have little further to mention 
at present saving that the teachers employed in several schools appear to 
be those in religious profession with Friends,^* 

In 1790 it was reported that one of the preparative meetings 
was considering the purchase of a lot of ground for the purpose 
of schools, ^^ probabl}^ that of Haverford. In July 1791 the 
committee on school affairs gave a pretty full report, at any 
rate the best we can get, on the condition of Radnor's schools 
situated in each of the preparative meetings. The statement 
issued by the committee was the following: 

The committee on schools also produced their report thereon in writing 
as foUows^We .... take the interesting subject of schools into 
consideration, and to visit those wherein either our preparatives are con- 
cerned, have given unction thereto, and find that although there are 
divers schools kept in the compass of the monthly meeting, two only 
appear subject to the rule and direction of Friends, the one being at 
Haverford, kept in a house erected in a small lot of ground belonging to 
that meeting: This school v/e visited in company with a committee of 
that preparative, which to us seems under its present circumstances 
tolerably well conducted; but it does not appear there are funds estab- 
lished, the salary of the master being made up by the neighborhood sub- 
scription. . . . some poor children principally are taught, the 
expense whereof is defrayed out of a small annual income arising from a 
sum left by a friend for such uses. — The other school is at Radnor, the 
house being Friends' property also ; on a visit made to this scliool in com- 
pany of a committee of that preparative meeting, we found it large at the 
time and under rules which appeared pretty well adapted for the govern- 
ment thereof, but the salary there, as in the aforementioned school, 
depends on the transient subscription, and therefore uncertain. At 
Merion and the Valley we have not discovered any progress made in 
laying a foundation for schools in the way proposed by the Yearly 
Meeting. After considering this weighty subject with attention we are 
of the mind the several preparatives (notwithstanding difficulties may 
occur) should be encouraged to a continuance of care and exertion 
herein as strength may be afforded; in order to cp.rry into effect this 



86Min. Phila. Q. Mtg., 8— 6—1 781, 235. 
8'Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 9 — 7 — 1782, 260. 
^^Ibid., 7 — II — 1786, 4. 
^^Ibid., 7 — 13 — 1790, 8. 



Schools of Delaware County 



163 



desirable object among us. — Signed on behalf of the said committee by 
James Jones. ^° 

The definition of the time when Concord established its first 
schools under the meeting's care, is only possible within rather 
extended limits. We can only say that at such a time certain 
schools were in existence; earlier than that we have no 
authentic source of information. Jordan, in his History of 
Delaware County, places the date of Birmingham's first school 
as 1806,^^ it being built on a lot conveyed for that purpose by 
John Burgess. From the report of the Concord Monthly 
Meeting in 1779, which will be presented later, it appears that 
Birmingham had a school at that date which was established 
"in some measure agreeable to the demands of the yearly 
meeting. "^2 It is spoken of as a regularly established school, 
which the writer has found in most meetings to mean that a 
house, master, funds, and sometimes a permanent lot were 
provided. This is merely suggestive. It certainly does not 
prove that there was a lot and building provided, but the 
indications are in favor of that, rather than against it. The 
same author, in reference to Upper Chichester, states. 

In 1793 the Society of Friends established a school in Upper Chi- 
chester which was maintained by the Society until the public school 
system was introduced. ^^ 

The source for the statement is not given, but it appears it 
must be subject to the like inaccuracy suggested above in 
reference to Birmingham. 

The report of the school committee which seems to contra- 
vert the time of the establishment of schools, given by Jordan, 
is herewith included. 

We of the committee appointed to the care of schools and education 
of the youth, report we have in some degree attended to the importance 
of the service, have lately visited two schools, which are now established 
in some measure agreeable to the concern of the Yearly Meeting as 
recommended in the extracts for that purpose. . . . 

One of which in the verge of Chichester, the other Birmingham particu- 
lar meeting; which visits, on observing the economy and regularity of 
said schools, have afEorded us much satisfaction. With increasing d esires 



s^Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7 — 12 — 1791, 24. 
^ijordan, II, 429. 

92Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 8—4—1779, 94. 
^^Jordan, II, 430. 



Concord 



Birmingham 
School at 
least as 
early as 
1779 



School at 
Chichester 



Report of 
1779 



Two schools 



164 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Committee 
visits pre- 
paratives 



Report of 
1786 and 



1787 

Three 

schools 



for the establishment of another in the verge of Concord which unitedly 
appears to be much wanting as divers Friends now labor under very- 
considerable inconvenience for want thereof. Signed by nine of the 
committee.^* 

In 1780 the minutes of the meeting state that another full 
report on schools was brought in, but such a report is not 
found in the minutes . In 1 7 8 1 , the question being revived by 
the receipt of the yearly meeting's extracts, a committee of 
Joshua Sharpe, Richard Strode, Hugh Judge, Samuel Trimble, 
George Martin, and Caleb Pierce were appointed to take the 
extracts and visit each of the preparative meetings, at which 
they were to be read.^^ They further directed the time for 
Birmingham to hold their meeting, so that the visit of the 
committee might be arranged. ^^ It is known that these visits 
were performed, and others following that date.^'' 

It was noted in the committee's report presented in 1779, 
that Concord did not yet have a school under its care,^^ 
though one was desired. The report of 1786 indicates that 
all of the preparatives were at that time supplied. A 
digest of the said report is produced here, also that of 1787. 

The committee informed this meeting that they have appointed John 
Pierce Treasurer for Chichester, Joseph Trimble for Concord, and Wil- 
liam Townsend for Birmingham. We also agree to report, agreeable to 
the request of the quarterly meeting. . . .^* 

Digest of their report. 

1 . We have a school and house at each preparative meet- 
ing — agreeable to the plan of the yearly meeting. 

2. They are under the care of a steady committee of our 
monthly meeting. 

3. Schools are conducted to the good satisfaction of 
Friends. 

4. One of them at present is vacant. 

5. We have also agreed upon a plan to establish a fund 
for the education of poor children ; also for the support of the 
said schools. 



9^Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 8 — 4 — 1779, 94. 

^^Ibid., 12 — 5 — 1 78 1, 193. 

^^Ibid. ^Ubid., 3—3—1784, 275. ^^Ibid., 8—4—1779, 94. 

^Ubid., 8—9—1786, 370. 



Schools of Delaware County 



i6s 



6. There is a treasurer for each particular meeting. 

7. Not much progress made in securing funds, up to date. 

The report of the next year, 1787, was:^"" 

1. The three schools visited. 

2. Are conducted to a good degree of satisfaction. 

3. Chichester is at present vacant. 

4. Request a future urging and some advice of the yearly 
meeting. 

The encouragement given to the school of Concord through 
individual philanthropy is to be noted in the will of Nathan 
Yamall, an extract from which appeared in the Concord 
minutes. 

I give and bequeath the sum of £50 to be appropriated for the use of 
Friends School at Concord, if established agreeable to the plan recom- 
mended by the Yearly Meeting last year, to be paid into the hands of 
the committee appointed for the establishment of the said school. . . . 
It appears that Samuel Trimble, Morris Jones, WiUiam Trimble, and 
Caleb Pierce are a committee appointed by the Concord Preparative 
meeting to take the immediate care and oversight of that school. # They 
. . . . and to make report to next meeting.^^i 

Such aid as this doubtless hastened the coming of the first 
school which was reported by the committee in 1786.^'^^ 



Schools 
encouraged 
by individual 
philanthropy 



SUMMARY 

The establishment of schools in Chester, Radnor, Darby 
and Concord meetings is discussed in this chapter. 

There is evidence that education was provided for some 
children in Chester before the Quakers came to the colony. 
The first meetings at Chester were held in the Court House, 
but land for a meeting house was devised in 1688. The first 
property devised for school purposes was that of Hoskins in 
1769. A schoolhouse was built on the land in 1770. A 
school is said to have been at Middletown in 1740, in a building 
donated by Thomas Yamall and Thomas Minshall. Land 
was also given for schools in 1791 by Enock Taylor and his 
wife. About 1778 the usual committees were appointed and 



The 
meetings 



Chester 



Land 

devised for 
schools 



""Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 8—8—1787, 397. 

^"^Ibid., 6—5 — •1782, 213. ^'^^Ibid., 8 — 9 — 1786, 370; seepage 164. 



i66 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Three 
schools 

Darby 



Committees , 
cooperate 



Two schools 



Radnor 



Two schools 
under charge 
of meeting t 



Concord 



Two schools 
1779 



subscription plans fonnulated. At the end of the century- 
three schools were reported under Friends' care. 

The first school at Darby was taught by Benjamin Clift in 
1692, 1693 and perhaps longer, though no further record is 
found. Not much progress is noticed until about 1778, 
when the quarterly and monthly meetings' committees united 
on the subject of schools. A schoolhouse was erected be- 
tween 1779 and 1 78 1. According to reports of 1784 and 1790 
the Darby School was satisfactorily situated. A new school 
in Upper Darby on Benjamin Lobb's lot was proposed in 
1793, but not built before 1798. Two schools, kept as 
recommended, are reported in 1798. 

Smith says that as early as 1 788 there was a school at Radnor. 
The meeting records mention one as early as 1731. The 
meeting was active in educating and apprenticing the poor. 
The reports, however, do not indicate that they were very 
successful in meeting the standards set by the yearly meeting 
for the schools. In 1791 one of the preparatives, probably 
Haverford, considered the purchase of groimds for a school. 
A full report of the same year shows two schools (Radnor and 
Haverford) which are subject to the control of the monthly 
meeting. Merion and the Valley had no schools established 
according to the plan proposed. 

The very early state of Concord's schools has not been 
determined, though one was at Birmingham in 1779. Mr. 
Jordan is inclined to place the date of Birmingham's first 
school about 1806. The date stated by him for Chichester 
(1793) also seems to be too late. The minutes recognize the 
Birmingham school in 1779 and also one at Chichester at the 
same date. In 1787 one school is reported for each prepara- 
tive meeting, Concord, Chichester, and Birmingham. 



CHAPTER IX 

SCHOOL SUPPORT, ORGANIZATION, AND 
CURRICULUM 



SUPPORT 

At various times in the course of this study, it has been 
mentioned that the activities of the lower branches of the 
meeting organization were directed by means of advices sent 
out from the yearly meetings. These advices, particularly at 
the earlier dates, were of a very general nature, and, as one 
would judge from the name, were only recommendations as 
to what should be done, with occasional expressions of appro- 
bation or reproof as the action of the constituent meetings 
merited. As years went on, however, the advices became of 
more consequence, sometimes mapping out plans of action 
in considerable detail.^ One of the questions which came to 
demand a great deal of attention was that of supporting 
teachers in the schools. Great trouble had always been 
experienced in getting masters, properly qualified mentally 
and morally, who would continue long in the same place of 
service. The suggestions of the yearly meeting in 1750 
sought to rem.edy that serious condition. The opinion then 
expressed was that, 

the most likely means to induce such persons to undertake the business 
will be to have some certain income fixed, in consideration of which, they 
should be obliged to teach so many children on behalf of each monthly 
meeting, as said monthly meeting might judge adequate to the salary 
and that no person should receive the benefit of the salary, without the 
appointment of the said meeting.^ 

It was directed that the meeting's clerk send copies of the 
above recom-xnendation to all quarterly meetings, which were 

;, the plan suggested in 1 746 and elaborated in the years 



Tor example 
following. 
^Ad vices, 250 



Problem of 
support 



A fixed 
salary 

necessary-^to 
secure better 
teachers and 
retain them 



(167) 



1 68 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



A weakness 
of the meet- 
ing organiza- 
tion 



How recom- 
mendations 
reached the 
lower 
meetings 



Function of 
committees 
appointed 



in turn to supply each of their monthly meetings and direct 
them to send in a report to the next yearly meeting.^ 

The above is cited as one of many similar recommenda- 
tions; and, without the presentation of any more of them, it 
may be well to point out one of the great weaknesses of the 
system — that weakness being the lack of a strong central con- 
trol in the organization which could formulate plans and 
compel them to be carried into execution. A financial plan 
based on that idea would no doubt have resulted quite 
differently than did the one pursued, which left it wholly to 
the determination of the locality whether they would settle 
regular funds for the schools. Since this study is historical 
we shall limit ourselves to that point of view exclusively. 
Let us notice then the reception of the recommendations in 
the case of a few meetings, tracing it to the lowest meeting 
whence, in the last analysis, the funds usually came. 

"What became of the recommendation when it had been 
sent out from the yearly m.eeting? In some cases committees 
were appointed in the quarterly meetings to which it came. 
An instance of this is the case of Concord Quarterly Meeting 
which in 1754 appointed a committee to inspect and examine 
the accounts and all moneys which were given to charitable 
and educational purposes.^ At another time Concord 
appointed a committee to visit the monthly and preparative 
meetings to ascertain the state of schools among them; this 
committee reported soon after that they had visited the 
meetings but that not much had been done in regard to 
schools.^ The appointment of these committees was quite a 
common practice and, no doubt, they had considerable 
influence. They often worked with the committees of the 
monthly meetings,^ and in some instances produced very full 
reports of their activity, which they, of course, forwarded to 
the yearly m.eeting.^ The duties in general performed by the 
quarterly meetings, as doers of the yearly meeting's will, were 
as follows: 



^Advices, 250. 

^Min. Concord Q. Mtg., 8 — 12^1754, 218. 
^Ibid.,8 — 10^1778,358. ^Ibid., 8 — 9 — 1784, 413. 

Ubid., 8 — 12—1793, 477; Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg., 
9—20—1784, 175 ff. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 169 



1. To transmit the advices through the representatives 
to the various monthly meetings. 

2. To appoint committees (a) for investigation and {h) for 
cooperation with those in the monthly meetings. 

3. To collect reports and make final report for their 
locality to the yearly meeting. 

4. At some stages of development the quarterly per- 
formed some duties later performed by the monthly meeting.^ 

What became of the recommendation when sent on from 
quarterly meeting? After arriving at and being perused by 
the monthly, they were always sent by the representatives 
back to the various particulars, or preparatives, there to be 
considered also.^ The preparative meeting was not pri- 
marily a "record-meeting" and little can be found of their 
organization, if they had any, for raising funds, save from the 
reports of the monthly meetings. This does not mean, how- 
ever, that the preparatives did not share in raising the funds ; 
it means only that the organization for so doing was in the 
monthly meeting. ^° The plans adopted by that body were 
drawn up in the most part by a committee which was repre- 
sentative of each particular meeting. Let us examine briefly 
the general nature of the plans proposed by some of the 
meetings for establishing permanent funds. Only those of 
two or three will be mentioned, as there was great similarity 
in all of them. The text of the plan for some of the meetings 
may be found in the chapter in which those meetings are 
considered. ^^ 

In 1796 the minutes of Kennett recorded a plan their com- 
mittee had devised for the establishment of a permanent 
fund. As has already been suggested, one of the greatest 
weaknesses of the whole system was that everything was done 
upon individual choice. ^^ That is probably the first thing to 



^Phila. Q. Mtg. in the earliest years transacted considerable detail 
business, which, years later, it did not touch. 

^Several definite references are: Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 6 — 6 — 
1778, 409 and 12— 4— 1783, 562; Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., II, 
12 — 28 — 1796. 

loMin. London Grove Mo. Mtg., 11 — ^4 — 1795 — 78; Min. Darbv Mo. 
Mtg., 2— 3— 1791, 133. 

^^To turn to the text of a plan of subscription, see "school support" in 
index. 

^^See page 168. 



Duties of 
the quarterly 
meeting 
summarized 



Procedure in 
the monthly 
meeting 



lyo 



Early Qtcaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Kennett 
plans for 
raising 
funds 
summarized 



Similar plans 

by Darby, 

London 

Grove, 

Buckingham 

Sadsbury, 

and others 



strike the reader's attention as he looks over the plans 
devised. We will state as concisely as possible the chief 
points. 

(a) Subscriptions were voluntary, and if a note were given 
it bore interest at 5%; 

(6) There was a regularly constituted board of trustees 
for the funds; 

(c) Record was to be kept of receipts and expenditures and 
reported to the monthly meeting; 

{d) All money paid in was to be vested in real property as 
soon as possible; 

{e) Disagreement among the trustees must be settled 
before the monthly meeting; 

(/) Funds were to be used for paying salaries or keeping 
buildings in repair provided the amount of the principal fund 
be not lessened. ^^ From reports of the success in establishing 
schools in Kennett meeting,^* one must believe that their 
trustees managed the funds wisely and that subscriptions 
were generously made, but their exact financial state is not 
given. 

Similar plans were devised by many other meetings, such 
as London Grove,^^ Darby,^^ Sadsbury,^^ and Buckingham.^* 
In all the outstanding characteristics are the same as those 
mentioned in the Kennett plan. One very interesting 
characteristic which frequently recurs, is that in the fifth rule 
of Kennett which allows that the funds may be used also for 
the poor, who are not members of Friends. ^^ 

Other forms of support besides the subscription just men- 
tioned were, (i) legacies, given on terms determined at the will 
of the donors, (2) fees, and, occasionally, (3) issue of bonds for 
rather small sums, which were needed in case of emergency, 
such as completing a school house which had been begun. 
An instance of the third method occurred in 170 1 when Phila- 
delphia Monthly Meeting agreed that £100 be raised in that 



"Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12 — 15 — 1796, 146. 
^^Ibid., 8— 16— 1798, 199. 

'^Min. London Grove Mo. Mtg., 11 — ^ — 1795, 78. 
"'Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 2 — 3 — 1791, 133. 
'^Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 12 — 10 — 1793, 128. 
i%Iin. Buckingham Mo. A-Itg., 4 — i — 1793, 302. 
i^Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12 — 15 — 1796, 146. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 171 



manner for completing the work on the school house.^" 
Many similar instances were fotind in records of other meet- 
ings. The rate system was so commonly used as a means of 
support in the early schools that it needs no special attention 
here. Some of the rates paid for teaching will be noted in a 
later presentation of masters' salaries. Legacies have been 
very frequently mentioned in previous chapters and it is here 
necessary only to call attention to the chief characteristics of 
the bequests and refer the reader to previous chapters if he 
wishes to examine the text of them..^^ The common charac- 
teristics are: 

(i) Entirely voluntary, though the making of them was 
frequently urged b3^ the meeting^^ and was in fact the concern 
of the queries which were regularly sent out. By this means 
the yearly meeting was informed of the interest taken in 
making donations. 

(2) Almost universally consisted of (a) simis of money or 
(6) land. 

(3) The donor chose trustees in the meeting to be subject 
to its direction. 

(4) The purpose was generally definitely stated; also 
how the money should be invested. 

An entire chapter might be devoted to this interesting and 
very important means of support of the Quaker schools, but 
much less space must suffice. The value of it may be indi- 
cated by a few figures given in statements of a few meetings 
and school records. The table gives the yearly value of the 
legacies or other permanent endowments at the year stated. 
The list is not complete, due to inadequate records, but may 
be taken as indicative of the extent of this form of 
support.* 



Main char- 
of acteristics 
the bequests 
made 



The value 
of legacies 
in a few 
meetings 



^oMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 10 — 26 — 1701, 316. 

^^To find the text of legacies granted, turn to legacies, in the index. 

22Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 8 — 3 — 1763, 22. 

♦Attention is called to the fact that during the years mentioned in the 
following table currency greatly depreciated. This depreciation was 
most marked in 1779, when, in January, the ratio was 8 to i; and in 
November of the same year 38^ to i. (See Dewey, D. R., Financial 
History of U. S., 39; also page 212. 



172 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



VALUE OF LEGACIES FOR SCHOOL SUPPORT 

For whose use Year Amount 

Overseers of Penn Charter SchooP 1776 £574/00/11 1-2 

Buckingham Monthly Meeting^* 1778 244/ 4/1 1 1-2 

Buckingham Monthly Meeting^^ 1793 767/10/00 

Wrightstown Monthly Meeting^^ 1790 248/13/10 

Palls Monthly Meeting^^ 1799 777/ 9/ 4 1-2 

Uwchlan Monthly Meeting^* 1784 120/10/00 

Horsham School Committee* 1793 351/ 2/11 



London 
advices on 
education 



London 
advices 
summarized 



ORGANIZATION 

The machinery of organization which had any connection 
with the direction of the school system has already been fre- 
quently referred to. It is the same organization which was 
discussed in Chapter 11.^^ It has further been pointed out 
that one of the functions of the head of this organization, the 
yearly or general assembly, was to issue advices for the direc- 
tion of the lower units. These advices began very early, so 
far as they are concerned with education. In 1692 London 
Yearly Meeting warned all others to be careful of a " Christian 
care in the education of their children,"^" and followed it 
successively each year with more suggestions.^^ These 
advices all found their way to the Yearly Meeting of 
Philadelphia and Burlington, and the similarity between the 
advices of the two meetings is striking but not siirprising. 

It may be convenient for the reader if some of the chief 
recommendations of the London Advices are stated briefly, 
that the likeness of the two may be noted later when we 
examine those of Philadelphia. They are: 

I. Education is to be useful and practical.^^ 



^'Min. Penn Charter School Overseers, I, 301. 

^-^Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 7 — 1778, 194. 

"^^Ibid., 4 — I — 1793, 302. 

26Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 12 — 7 — 1790, 60. 

27Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 11— 6— 1799, 288. 

28Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 2 — 5 — 1784, 162. 

*Min. Horsharrx School Committee, 3 — 18 — 1793. 

^"See page i4ff. 

'"Min. London Yr. Mtg., 3 — 16 — 1692, 68. 

^^The yearly meetings also estabUshed schools; such was the case in 
London Yearly, and Philadelphia followed in 1799 with the estabhsh- 
ment of Westtown Boarding School in Chester County. Justice cannot 
be done to that institution in this work. The reader is referred to 
Dewes, A History of Westtown Boarding School. 

32Min.LondonYr.Mtg.,3—i7to24— 1703,114; 5 — 26 to3i— 1760,339. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 173 



2. The major emphasis is placed on Christian and moral 
instruction.^^ 

3 . The teachers must be capable of good moral influence.^* 

4. Teachers must be members of Friends.^^ 

5. Free education is to be provided for the poor^^ (first it 
was only mentioned for the children of Friends, later others) . 

6. The cooperation of teachers is urged for the betterment 
of methods of teaching.^'' 

7. The weaker communities are to be aided by the 
stronger.^^ 

8. Both parents and teachers must realize the force of 
example.^^ 

9. Close censorship of all reading material for the youth.^" 
From this very brief statement of London Advices and with 
little attention paid to their manner of getting into and 
influencing those of Philadelphia, save to state that the chief 
means were: (i) epistles sent, (2) travelling ministers, and (3) 
through representatives sent from the lower meetings, let us turn 
to consider those of the last named meeting. As early as 
1694 we find that that body approved certain "proposals 
about the education of youth," the initiative for which seems 
to have come from Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting.^^ So 
far as the minute of the meeting goes, one would hardly dig- 
nify this statement so much as to say that it suggested a plan 
of education. If such a plan were submitted, it was carefully 
kept out of the minutes of that date. The very nature of the 
advice continues as with those of London until near the 
middle of the century, but as one reads the records they are 
seen to grow gradually in definiteness until beginning (to 
name a definite date) about 1746 and on through the period 
of 1777 and 1778, there are elaborated certain ideas for the 
establishment of schools in town and country. It is not 



Means of 
exercising 
influence: 
epistles, 
ministers, 
and repre- 
sentatives 



Philadelphia 
advices also 
general for 
first half 
century 



3*Min. London Yr. Mtg., 3 — 16 to 19 — 1692, 68. 

^*Ibid., 4 — 2 to 7 — 1745, 268. 

^^Ihid., 4 — 9 to II — 1690, 52; 4 — I to 4 — 1691, 60. 

^^Ibid., 3 — 13 to 17 — 1695, 89. 

^Ubid. 

^^Ibid., 4 — 2 to 10 — 171 8, 160. 

^Hbid., 5-31 to 6—5—1773, 399. 

*°Ibid., 3 — 29 to 4 — 3 — 1732, 210; 4 — 9 to II — 1690, 52. 

^Min. Phila. Yr. Mtg., 7 — 16 and 17 — 1694, 39. 



174 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Summary of 
Philadelphia 
advices 



The func- 
tions of the 
quarterly 
meeting 



until those later years that anything like strong central con- 
trol is felt, and certainly there were earlier no visible results 
of such centralizing influence. Even then it took the form of 
urgent suggestions which, though producing very considerable 
results, cannot be regarded candidly as the best that might 
have been done. It is with these suggestions of the latter 
part of the century that we are chiefly concerned. The most 
important are here stated in brief manner.^ 

1. Education is to be useful in nature. 

2. The minima to be attained are moral and Christian 
training and an ability to read and write. 

3 . The meetings are to assist each other in settling schools. 

4. Members of Friends are to be employed as teachers in 
the schools; good moral influence of the teachers is of first 
importance. 

5. A fixed income, house, and garden are necessary for 
securing a better and more permanent teaching body. 

1^ 6. All teachers, employed, are to be approved by the 
monthly meeting. 

7. Quarterly meetings are to appoint visiting committees. 

8. Permanent funds recommended to be put in care of 
trustees. 

^'9. Schools to be under the care of monthly meetings' 
committees and reports are to be made thereon. 

10. The poor children to be educated free of charge, and 
also the Negroes, where they are not able to pay. Children 
not Friends were not omitted, ^^ as we find in the plans actually 
followed by the monthly meetings. 

The chief functions of the quarterly meeting were: (i) to 
transmit these advices ; (2) to gather and return reports of the 
accomplishments within its limits; and (3) to keep in touch 
with the work by means of committees. Sufficient material has 
in the writer's opinion been presented in the way of reports in 
previous chapters relating to schools established in the vari- 
ous counties, to make it unnecessary here.^ To characterize 

^Advices from Burlington and Philadelphia Yr. Mtg., 1746. 1750, 
1753. 1755. 1777. and so forth, page 250 ff. Also the yearly meeting 
minutes records for those years, deposited at 304 Arch Street, Phila. 
(The first reference is the more accessible.) 

■•^The reader is referred to the account of estabUshing schools in Bucks, 
Montgomery, Delaware Counties, etc. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 175 



it as an intermediary agent and its functions as supervisory 
and directive seems to be adequate. 

The monthly meeting was above all others the organizing 
business unit and the welfare of schools appears to have 
depended much on its activity. It is to the m.onthly meeting 
that we are indebted for almost all of the reports on schools, 
and it has been noticed that not until raised to the dignity of 
being a monthly meeting, did many meetings assume any 
important part in directing education. A few preparatives, 
which might be considered as a little exceptional, were By- 
berry, Falls, and Horsham. They appear to have handled 
their schools a little more independently than did others. 
Duties which were as a general rule performed by each of the 
monthly m_eetings were these :^ 

1 . To investigate the state of schools in their preparatives. 

2. To appoint committees to visit, assist and report on 
schools established, and recommend the establishment of 
others where necessary. 

3. To approve masters, retire them, and fill vacancies. 

4. Through trustees or committees on funds, (a) to 
finance the education of poor children, (b) to pay salaries, (c) 
to build school houses, and (d) to estabhsh permanent endow- 
ments. 

5. To take final reports to be sent to the yearly meeting. 
These functions have all been brought to the reader's 

attention by reports and minutes quoted in chapters on the 
schools in various coimties. This brief presentation of the 
organization and direction on the part of the meetings should 
be sufficient to point out: (i) that the general nature of the 
organization is a hierarchy of units; (2) that the direction of 
school activities com.es from the higher to the lower, and is of 
a general and suggestive rather than specific and mandatory 
nature; (3) that the monthly meeting formed the real work- 
ing unit, and that on its diligence probably depended the 



**These references are, respectively, to the five points stated below : 

a. Min. Westland Mo. Mtg., 11 — 11 — 1786, 12; 3 — 10 — 1787, 19. 

b. Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 4 — 28 — 1784. 

c. Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11 — 29 — 1719, 57. 

d. Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12 — 15 — 1796, 146. 

e. Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., i — 27 — 1800, 508; Min. Concord Mo. 
Mtg., 8—9—1786, 370. 



Monthly 
meeting 
the business 
tmit 



Duties 
summarized 



Three points 
indicated 
concerning 
the organiza- 
tion 



176 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



welfare of the preparatives' schools. We shall now attend 
for a moment to a few of the details of the school in so far as 
we may judge them from the records at our disposal. 



Permanent 
properties 
recom- 
mended 
for schools 



Property 
acquired by 
Philadelphia 
schools and 
meeting 



and 
Abington 



THE SCHOOL 

It has already been mentioned that one of the yearly 
meeting's earnest recommendations was that a lot of ground 
be provided where schools might be necessary, sufficient for a 
garden, orchard, grass for a cow, etc., and that a suitable 
house and stables and other necessary things be arranged for 
the securing of more permanent and better qualified teachers.^ 
There were certainly several of the meetings where land for the 
purposes of schools was possessed before these recommenda- 
tions were made. Notable instances, which may be men- 
tioned, were Philadelphia and Abington, and many others, 
who early secured permanent lands for the meeting which 
were also used for the erection of schools. Some of the early 
acquisitions of school property in Philadelphia were: (i) 
that purchased in 1698 of Lionell Brittain;*^ (2) another 
deeded by John Goodson and Thomas Lightfoot to the over- 
seers;^' and (3) that devised by William Forrest, upon which 
the overseers erected a school in 1744.*^ There was also the 
piece of ground left to the monthly meeting of that place by 
George Fox, upon which the meeting gave permission for the 
building of a school, free from ground rent.^^ The property 
gained by Abington in 1696 was for the support of a school.^'' 
A meeting house was erected on the land between 1696 and 
1700. These cases of endowment directly for schools were 
very limited as to locality at the early part of the eighteenth 
century. Their ntimber increased in later years, and the 
increase ma}^ have been due partly to the influence of the 
yearly meeting's urgent advices. 



^^See the Advices, 250; or the Book of Discipline which has, under the 
head of schools, a statement of the various recommendations of the 
yearly meetings. See also Yearly IN'Ieeting Minute Books at 4th and 
Arch Streets, Phila., for years 1746, 1753, 175s, I777, and 1778. 

^«Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2—29—1698, 229; P. C. S. M., I, 13. 

^'Deed No. 33, mentioned in P. C. S. M., I, 13. 

'^^Ibid., 40. ^Hhid., 147. 

^'^Friends' Intelligencer, 8 — 15 — 1896, 539; Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 
I — 26 — 1722, 124. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 177 



A few instances of the tendency toward the poHcy of pur- 
chasing permanent lands may be mentioned. In 1779, 
Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly reported two of their 
monthly meetings had purchased grounds and erected houses 
for the said purpose. ^^ Another meeting had purchased six- 
teen acres, built a house, but had difficulty in securing a suit- 
able master. ^2 ^n other accommodations recommended for 
masters had been provided. Near the close of the century 
(1794) William Jackson of New Garden deeded a lot of ground 
to Friends of that meeting for the use of a school.^^ New 
Garden also reported a school house built about 1795 on land 
given for the purpose by Jeremiah Bamard.^^ In 1792 
Kennett reported that their preparative meeting had pur- 
chased of Abraham Taylor a piece of ground for a school and 
were preparing to build a house on it. It was situated about 
2>^ miles from Kennett. ^^ Other instances of like procedure 
were: Goshen, 1795^^ and 1782;^^ Darby, 1793;^^ and 
Buckingham in 1794.^^ Similar cases might be cited for 
almost every monthly m.eeting in the southeastern part of 
Penns^dvania, and it doubtless extended elsewhere. It is to 
be noted that this general purchasing of school property did 
not come until late in the eighteenth century, when the great 
advancement in Quaker education had its beginning. It may 
be fairly stated that by the end of the century most of the 
schools were established on school property held by the 
meeting for that purpose. As pointed out above, this had 
been a slow development, beginning with a few in the seven- 
teenth century that started with land endowments. 

The earliest schooUiouses would doubtless present an 
interesting picture if we could see them inside and out. 
Unfortunately there is little information extant, which 
throws light upon the earliest. In fact, at the very earliest 



^^Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg., 9 — 20 — 1779, 73. 
^^Ibid., 77; Warrington Mo. Mtg., 8 — 7 — 1779, 46. 
^'Deed No. 88 New Garden Township, Chester County. (The original 
is in Orthodox Friends Meeting House, West Grove, Pa.) 
s^Min. New Garden Mo. Mtg., 8—6 — 1785, 256. 
^^Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., i — 12 — 1792, 14. 
^^Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 4 — 10 — 1795. 
^Ubid., 3—8—1782. 

s^Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 3 — 28 — 1793, 165. 
^^Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 4 — 10 — 1794, 314. 



Warrington 
and Fairfax 
Quarterly 



New Garden 



Goshen, 

Darby, 

Buckingham 



178 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Early 

schools held 
in meeting 
houses 

Family 
school 



An old 
schoolroom 
at Merion, 
Pa. 



establishment of schools, there were no special houses built 
for them. For many of them this condition prevailed till 
fairly near the close of the century. Joseph Foulke, writing 
in 1859, concerning his first school days, stated that he first 
attended school at Gw5medd, which was held in the meeting 
house, there being none other for that purpose.®" His next 
schooling, in 1795, was at a. family school taught by Hannah 
Lukens, who lived in a little house on the Bethlehem Road. 
He then attended school in a log schoolhouse, built about 
1798 by his father.®^ Other instances may be cited in con- 
nection with the use of the meeting house for schoolhouse. 
In 1693-4 Middletown Friends allowed a school to be held in 
the meeting house, provided it should cause no disturbance,®^ 
and again in 1699 a similar request was granted.®^ As late 
as 1740 Philadelphia Meeting proposed to erect a meeting 
house with chambers over it sufficiently large for the accom- 
modation of a school,^ though, as mentioned before, they 
already had some of their schools in regularly constructed 
schoolhouses.®^ 

The writer has had the opportunity to visit one of these 
little schoolrooms established in the meeting house. Not 
much is known of the school at Merion, though the oldest of 
Friends meetings, but it is quite certain that whenever their 
school began and however pretentious it may have been, it 
must have been held in the upper part of the meeting house. 
The schoolroom in the present building is quite hidden away 
under the eaves. The walls are bare and the rafters low 
overhead. Ample Hght is furnished. Rude wooden benches 
and tables, the latter with sloping tops, constitute the furni- 
ture of the room as it now stands. One of the table tops 
bears the date 17 11, doubtless the telltale of some vandal 
outcropping, which might tempt one to place a school at that 



^''Jenkins, Historical Col. of Gwynedd, 396. 
^^Ibid. 

^^Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 12 — i — 1693^4, 64. 
^Ibid., I— I — 1699, 114. 
^■'Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5 — 25 — 1740, 318. 

^In 1 701 they had begun a school house which was to be 60 by 24 feet. 
Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 27 — 1701, 298. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 179 



early date. It is however too meagre and uncertain evidence 
to justify such a conclusion.^® 

From a few sources of information we gather some clews 
as to the size of the schoolhouse generally. The house pro- 
posed by the Goshen Meeting in 1782 was to be 27 feet square 
from out to out and to cost about £150.®' The new one 
proposed at Falls some twelve years later was to be somewhat 
more pretentious being twenty-two feet by thirty and having 
two stories. Its cost was estimated at £200.®^ We infer 
from the minutes that a building was badly needed at Falls, 
the old roof being "very leaky and the ceiling about to fall." 
In spite of this fact it does not appear that the house was 
erected until about 1799; the final dimensions decided upon 
were twenty-six feet by twenty-foiu", one story, and a cellar 
of the same dimensions.®^ It is not certain how much space 
was actually devoted to the use of the school room, since the 
building doubtless accommodated the master and his family 
at the same time. The schoolhouse begun in Philadelphia 
about 1701,^*' was to be twenty-fotir by sixty feet. Another 
one in 1744, built on the Forrest property, was to be about 
sixty by thirty-five feet, two stories high, with a basement 
underneath raised three feet above the surface of the 
ground.'^ The cost of the last building when completed in 
1746 was £794.''^ Anthony Benezet, who apparently was 
teaching in an old building, made complaint in 1744 that it 
was "too hot in summer and too dark in winter" and therefore 
urged that a window be put in the south side.''^ The writer 
has found a single instance to indicate how the school building 
was heated. Judging from such meager data we would say 
that the first schools probably up to 17 15 or 1720 were heated 



^^The schoolroom described is in Merion Meeting House, which may 
be reached from Philadelphia via P.R.R. to Narberth, Pa.; from 
thence a ten-minute walk. 

"Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 3 — 8 — 1782. 

^^Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 12-3-1794, 169; for value of money see page 
212. 

^^Ibid., 9 — 4 — 1799, 283. 

'"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 27 — 1701, 298. 

'ijfcid., 11-25-1744, 379; P. C. S. M., I, 40. Parts of the school build- 
ings were at times used as tenant property thus affording a supporting 
income, P. C. S. M., I, 22. 

^2p. C. S. M., I, 56. 

'Ubid., I, 39. 



Size and 

cost of 

school 

houses; 

Goshen, 

Falls 



Philadelphia 



Manner of 
heating 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Number of 
children 
attending 
schools 



Two classes: 
the "pay" 
and the 
"free" 
scholar 



Both boys 
and girls 
assisted 



Everything 
furnished to 
the "free" 
scholar 



by the old-fashioned brick stoves. They were at any rate 
employed in some, but were beginning to lose their popularity 
in that period. One was removed in 17 15 and an iron stove 
substituted for it.'^ 

The size of the schools, measured by the number of pupils, 
must be judged mostly from material found relating to 
Philadelphia. It was doubtless true that in the country 
regions there were fewer children within reach, of the school 
and it was not necessary to state limits beyond which they 
might not go. The yearly meeting certainly recommended 
that the number of children be specified, which the master was 
to teach, but this was often taken to mean that they should 
promise to teach a certain ntimber of children for the use of 
the school. The schools were always composed of these two 
classes, the independent or pay scholar and the poor or free 
scholar. Some of the Philadelphia reports state the number 
attending, of each of these classes. In that system the teach- 
ers were required to keep a roll, especially of the poor children, 
and turn it over for the inspection of the overseers.^^ In 
country districts the school committee usually kept account 
of the poor scholars, seeing that they were supplied with all 
things necessary.^^ It may prove interesting to examine the 
Philadelphia system a little more fully. 

First, let it be noted that cases of both boys and girls were 
investigated by the overseers, and if capable and in need of 
assistance, they were put under the tutorage of masters or 
mistresses free of any charge.^^ Not only were the children 
of Friends admitted, but an effort was made to find out the 
needy, of other denominations, and put them to school also.''^ 
All articles necessary were furnished free to the poor scholars 
by the Board, the master was required to keep an account of 
each item and present the bill therefor in his reports to that 
body.^^ The number of poor in Anthony Benezet's school in 
1743-4, about a year after he entered it, was 14.^° There 



'^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 9 — 25—1715, 10 fE. 

'sp. C. S. M., I, 95 and 37. 

™Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 6 — 18 — 1762; 4 — 7- 

"P. C. S. M., I, 29and25. 

-'Hbid., 31. 

"•Hbid., 95. 

^Hbid., 37. 



-1767; 8 — 14 — 1767. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum i8i 



was very little fluctuation as to the number for many years ; 
in 1749 there were 17.^^ Below are given the reports of some 
of the schools in 1757.^2 j^ seldom or never occiirred that a 
report for all schools was made at one time. 



Master Year 

Charles Thompson 1757 

(Latin) 

Alexander Seaton 1757 

(English) 



Joseph Stiles 1757 



Rebeckah Burchall 1757 



Ann Thornton 1757 



Pay 

Items Scholars 

Books and firing 

for poor scholars 3 1 
Teaching poor 

scholars 30 

Premiums 
Books and firewood 
Clothing for poor 
Teaching poor 

scholars 
Books and firewood 
Teaching poor 

children 
Firewood 
Teaching poor 

children 



Free 
Scholars Amount 

7 £150/00/00 

41 58/15/ 4 
3/00/00 

15/ 4/ 9>^ 
6/17/ 8K 

14 28/18/ I 
3/14/ 7 

23 36/ 9/10 

3/ 4/ 6 

3/ 2/ 9 



Immediately following the above report, another stated 
there were 38 in the Latin School, 37 free scholars under 
Alexander Seaton, 17 (free) under Joseph Stiles, 30 under Ann 
Thornton, and 30 (free) under Rebeckah Burchall. ^^ The 
slight discrepancy in the figures is not explained. A later 
report of 1784 shows the following schools and the enrollment 
of each, (i) Proud, {Latin), number not given; Todd, 
{English), 88 on the list; Isaac Weaver, 28; William Brown, 
29 girls; Sarah Lancaster, 64 ; Mary Harry, 15 or 16; Joseph 
Clarke, about 30; Mrs. Clarke, 15 or 16 boys and girls; Ann 
Marsh, about 50 boys and girls ; Mary McDonnell, 1 5 young 
children.^ From this it seems that the only two schools 
which have increased considerably in number are the Latin 
and English, both of which employed ushers or assistants. ^^ 
The chief indication of the system's growth is the increase 
from five or six schools to at least ten. The approximate 



8ip. C. S. M., 72. 

^Uhid., 151 £E. 

^Ihid. 

s^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 30 — 1784, 123 ff. 

85p. C. S. M., I, 76 and 79; also I, 198. 



Niomber of 
poor and 
pay scholars 
stated 



Indication 
of the sys- 
tem's 
growth in 
the number 
of schools 



Children 
sent from 
home to 
attend 
school 



Rtiles for 
the govern- 
ment of 
schools 
summarized 



182 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

ntunber of children recorded as having attended the schools 
under the overseers from 1712 to 1770 was 720.^^ 

Children were frequently sent away from home to attend 
school, due to a lack of adequate facilities near at hand. The 
following letter, from an anxious mother, is a very interesting 
commentary on the attitude taken by the less educated 
toward the propriety of spending time for education. Though 
impolite to read private letters, it may be pardoned in this 
case. 

The 20 of December, 1702. 
Dear Brother: 

The few liens comes to salute thee and fore prisila which I hope are in 
helth as blessed be the God of all our mersies I am at this writing. I 
long to hear from you both and how prisila likes being at scool and how 
the like her and whether she thinks that shee will lem anything worth 
her while to be kept at cool here. I have sent her some thred to knit me 
too pares of golves and herself on if there be anough for to mak so much 
if not one for me and one for her. bid her be a good gerl and lam well 
and then I shall love her. if Abraham Antone have brought .... 
purchas me twenty pound and send it me if thou can by some oppor- 
tunity in so doing thou wilt much oblige thy most affectionate sister 

Abigail .^^ 

A fairly good mental picture of the school, and the atmos- 
phere pervading it, is obtained from a perusal of the list of 
rules which were adopted both for the guidance of the masters 
and the observance of the pupils. We cannot gain much 
from a discussion since they are self-explanatory, hence there 
is submitted a concise digest of those issued for the masters 
and mistresses in the several schools. 

1. All pupils must be at school promptly. 

2. No one shall be absent without a permit from parents. 

3. Strict obedience to the monitor is demanded, but if 
there is a real grievance, complaint may be made to the 
master. 

4. Be orderly in coming to and leaving school. 

5. Use the plain language to all persons; be cvAX to all. 

6. To avoid, in hours of leisure, all "ranting games" and 
quarrelling with one another. 



^^P. C. S. M., see list of scholars; number is approximate. 
^''Pemberton Mss., Vol. 3, p. 2. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 183 

7. Shall not play or keep company with rude boys of the 
town, but play with own school fellows. 

8. They shall come to school on 5th day prepared to go to 
the regular meeting.*^ 

The rules above, which, if all followed, one must admit 
would have made an almost model school so far as behavior 
was concerned, were shortly thereafter expanded a little to 
meet the needs of the Latin and English schools. Those 
rules, however, were more concerned with the curriculum and 
part of method, and were doubtless a guide for the instructors 
more than to be followed by the pupils. They will receive 
attention in the next few pages in the discussion of the 
curriculum. We shall however be interested at this juncture 
to read the rules adopted by Robert Proud, schoolmaster and 
historian, for the government of the Latin School, in which 
he was the head master for many years. They are very 
similar to those alread}^ noted, though drawn up by Proud 
for his school alone. 

Orders and Directions 
In the School 

Reverentia Jehovae Caput Scientiae 

The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom. 

1. Duty in attending. 

Fail not to be present in school precisely at or before the time ap- 
pointed for learning, being clean and decent; except sufficient reason 
require thy absense; in which case, on thy first returning . . , , 
before the master, immediately inform him thereof to his satisfaction. 

2. On entering, remaining in and departing from school, having 
taken thy appointed seat, with as Uttle noise and disturbance as may 
be, move not therefrom, to that of another during the time of learning 
without absolute necessity and then, very seldom; nor go out of the 
school without the master's leave or knowledge. And observe the same 
silently and orderly behavior, in thy departing from the school, as in thy 
entering it. 

3. How to behave and study in the School. 

Be always silent, in School or during the time of thy studies, so as to 
be heard, neither in voice, nor otherwise, as little as possible; except in 
writing or speaking to the Master or Teacher; and discourse not with 



Rules 

adopted by 
Robert 
Proud while 
master of the 
Latin School 



88p. C. S. M., I, 102 f. (Rules adopted in 1748.) 



184 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

thy Schoolfellows dtiring the hours of study, without the Master's per- 
mission; tmless in asking, or giving information relating to thine or their 
learning; and even then observe to whisper, or speak as low as possible 
to be heard by him, who is next thee. 

4. Behavior to the Master, and during the presence of visitants, etc. 
Make all thy speeches to the master with due respect; and observe 

cheerfully to perform all his directions and commands, with readiness 
according to thy ability. And, if a stranger or visitant speak to thee in 
the school, stand up, turn thy face towards him respectfully and give a 
modest and ready answer, if any answer be required or necessary; 
resuming thy seat again, with a silent application to thy study; which 
order and silence are more particularly and especially to be strictly 
observed and kept during the presence of any stranger, or visitant, in 
the School. 

5. Behavior to one another. 

Behave thyself always in a submissive and kind manner to thy School 
fellows, never provoking, quarreling, nor complaining, especially about 
frivolous matters; but use the word please, etc., or expressions of similar 
signification when asking anything of them; and observe a proper grati- 
tude for every kindness received, be it ever so small; using thy utmost 
to cultivate a special Friendship with them; not returning injtu-ies, but 
learning to forgive; and shew them, by thy exemplary Deportment, how 
they ought to behave. 

6. Not to take Another's Property, etc. 

Neither take nor use anything which is the property of another or in 
his custody, without first having his permission and as much as possible, 
avoid borrowing, at any time, but provide thyself with all books, instru- 
ments and things necessary for thy learning and studies according to the 
Master's direction; always keeping them clean and in good order. 

7. The Language. 

Let the common language, used in School, be Latin, as much as con- 
veniently may be, according to the speaker's knowledge and ability 
therein, but in all places let every one speak with as much propriety and 
grammatical accuracy as he is capable in whatever language he makes 
use of. 

8. School transactions not to be divulged. 

Be not forward to divulge any transaction, passed in school, more 
especially, to the disreputation of any in it; nor mock, nor jeer any of 
thy school fellows, for being reproved or corrected, lest it may sometime 
happen to be thy own case; but rather be assisting, than troublesome, 
to the masters or teachers by rendering thyself as agreeable, both to him 
and them, as possible, in all laudable and good order and discipline, as 
well as in the advancement and increase of learning and all real improve- 
ment in the respective branches thereof: that, instead of introducing 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 185 



any cause of punishing, severe reproof, or servile fear, the place of thy 
learning may be a place of pleasure and delight.*^ 

Rule 9 deals with the proper attitude and behavior. 

Rule 10 deals with the behavior in the religious meetings. 

In spite of the most excellent rules, which, we have seen, 
were drawn,* it appears the attendance problem was one 
which caused some masters no little worry. Proud's manu- 
scripts again inform us that on one occasion, after continuous 
aggravation due to absences, he felt called upon to send a note 
to the overseers concerning that serious affair. He first 
mentions the ends desired to be gained by such a school, and 
points out that they are being fallen short of, because of the 
laxity in attendance. Moreover, the worst offenders are the 
sons of the overseers. He says in particular: 

But the occasion of this present observation to the Board is more 
particularly that of the present day, viz. — the 4th instant, when out of 
six of these, -v^ho attend the said school (the Latin School) and ought 
more particularly to have been present at that time, for the example of 
others and their own benefit, only one of the smallest was at the school 
and two at the meeting. The rest, being grown and advanced in years, 
and learning, etc., and consequently more regarded for examples, were at 
that particular and important time, all absent with about the same 
proportion of the rest of the school.^" 

There were, it seems, the usual causes at work which pro- 
duced such havoc in the attendance record, and such distress 
in the minds of masters. A letter written by James Logan to 
his friend John Dickinson, in 1704, strengthens our belief that 
such was the case. He wrote in part : 
Dear Friend: 

I shall acquaint thee that thy two rugged boys are very lusty, love 
the river much better this hot weather than their masters' countenances, 
and the fields and boats far before schools or books. . . . 

Thy affectionate Friend, 

James Logan.'i 



^^Robert Proud Mss. Collection, No. 20, pp. 3-7. The rules, he states, 
were drawn up for his use in the school in 1780. 

*The rules presented, taken fromrecordsof the Overseers of theSchools 
in Philadelphia, are quite like those later drawn up by Horsham School 
Committee. There is nothing additional in the later ones and they were 
doubtless patterned after them. (Horsham Sch. Com. Min., i — -27 — ■ 

1783)- 

^''Robert Proud Mss., No. 156, 45. 

^^Logan Mss. Letter for 4th month, 12th, 1704. Vol. I, 49. (J. 
Dickinson was away on a voyage of some length.) 



Pupils 
remiss in 
attendance 



The atten- 
tion of 
board called 
to the fact 



i86 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Two ex- 
tremes in 
discipline 



Premium 
given to 
most satis- 
factory- 
pupils 



Length of 
school day 



We have not much information from which to judge the 
disciphne of the school. From the rules already considered 
one would expect that strict discipline was observed, but of 
the master's methods of enforcing it we know but little. 
There were doubtless two extremes. On the one hand, we 
might take Anthony Benezet as the very personification of 
mildness, and who ruled by love.^^ On the other hand, there 
was John Todd who wotdd thrash a boy very severely, and 
who took great delight in getting his victim to admit the pain 
that he knew he felt.^^ 

To secure better discipline, attendance, and also to induce 
striving for scholarship, it was customary to give rewards. 
We noted in the items sent in to the overseers in masters' 
reports that certain amounts were for "premitims."^^ This 
policy of rewards was early agreed upon by the overseers who 
sought in various ways to estabHsh little funds for that pur- 
pose. In 1755 it was proposed that each one pay two shil- 
lings for missing a board meeting and one shilling for being 
late; the accruing amount to be paid out in premiums to 
encourage industr}^ among the boys.^^ The fines were 
collected and then turned over to the masters who applied 
them as they saw fit.^^ The extent of the practice of giving 
rewards is not exactly known, but it seems to have been 
general throughout all the schools of the Board in Philadel- 
phia, if we may judge from the regularity with which the bills 
for "premiiims" were presented. It was also true that the 
school committees in other monthly meetings arranged to 
give rewards on visiting day to the scholars having the best 
records.^' 

The early school days seem to have been long and tedious. 
Attention has already been called to the letter of Pastorious' 
children to their grandfather, in which they complained of the 
long eight hour school day.^^ The school continued, accord- 
ing to their accoimt, six days in the week excepting Saturday 



^^Vaux, Memoirs of Benezet, 15 f. 

"'Watson, Annals, I, 291-2. 

"■•See page 181. 

»5P. C. S. M., I, 137. 

^'^Ibid., 150. 

"Min. Horsham Sch. Com., 3 — 16 — 1792. 

'^See page 78. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 187 



afternoon. ^^ Besides this it was customary in all places to 
attend meeting on fifth day (Thursday) /"^ save in places 
where it may have been too far distant, an exception was 
made possible. ^"^ Evening schools were quite com_mon, as 
has been stated before in the case of Germantown/''^ and 
increased in number toward the latter part of the century. 
In 1750 John Wilson, usher to Robert Willian, expressed his 
intention of opening an evening school which appears to have 
been acceptable to the Board.^"^ The prevalence of the 
evening school among people not Friends is at once apparent 
when one glances at the advertisements in the colonial 
newspapers. A few of those private evening schools were: 
one kept by William Dawson and John Gladson, teaching 
writing, arithmetic, and navigation ;^°^ others by John 
Shuppy,^°^ Mr. Lyonet,^"^ and Messrs. Barthelemy and 
Besayde.107 

The length of the school day is better indicated, and per- 
haps the source of information is more reliable, near the end 
of the century. The rules issued by the Board in 1795 state 
that the hours are to be from 8 to 1 2 in the m-oming, and from 
2 to 5 in the afternoon, these hours to be observed from third 
month, first to eleventh month, first; in the remaining 
months the hours were 9 to 12 and 2 to 5.^**^ Vacations were 
very scarce and very brief.* In the main, according to the 
rules issued at least, they were to be: (i) at the periods of 
the quarterly and yearly meetings; and (2) a vacation of 
three weeks, commencing on seventh day preceding the last 
sixth day of the week of the seventh month.^"^ The other 



Evening 

schools 

customary 



Length of 
school day 
in 1795: 
seven hours 



99Page 78. 

^'"'See Ust of printed rules for the school in custody of P.C.S. 

i°iMin. Horsham Sch. Com., i — 27 — 1783 (also mentioned in the 
monthly meeting minutes very frequently). 

lo^See page 78f . 

"»P. C. S. M., I, 84. 

^'^^Pa. Gazette, No. 1449, 1756. 

^'>^Ibid., No. 824, 1744. 

^°^Pa. Pocket and Daily Advertiser, No. 2385, 1786. 

^'^Ubid., No. 2386, 1786. _ 

i^^A list of printed rules issued by the Board, found in the depository 
for the P. C. S. M., in the Provident Life and Trust Building, Phila. 

*Darby Meeting employed B. Clift to teach a whole year with the 
exception of two weeks. (Darby Min., 7 — 7 — 1692, 54). 

^°Ubid. 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Student 
papers, and 
magazines, 
etc. 



rules issued at this date besides these mentioned relating to 
holidays and length of the school day were the same as were 
previously stated.^^" The hours named above appear to us 
rather long for the small children ; arrangement seems to have 
been made for them, though no statement of it is made in the 
school regulations. There were, however, the schools of (i) 
William Brown and (2) Sarah Lancaster, who taught children 
for half days,^" and also the Girls' School, in which Anthony 
Benezet taught (1754), was mentioned as though it were to 
be conducted only in the morning. "^ It is not to be under- 
stood that the half day arrangement was always followed in 
the case of younger children, for Sarah Lancaster taught 
thirty-five children whole days "at 15/ per quarter. "^^^ It 
seems that the amount of time for them to attend was 
probably determined by the desires of their parents. 

An interesting and instructive light is cast upon the inner 
life of the school in Philadelphia, by some of the manuscript 
collections of the very old Philadelphia families. For 
instance, we learn that in the public school there were 
published certain magazines, gazettes, chronicles, and so 
forth, a few of them named as follows: The Examiner, The 
Universal Magazine, 1774, Students' Gazette (about 1774 to 
1777), The P. S. Gazette, Latonia, 1777 to 1778, the Public 
School Gazetteer, containing the freshest advices, foreign and 
domestic (a palpable imitation of the newspapers in the city 
of that date), and The Students' Magazine. '^^^ The contents 
of all of them were no doubt very interesting to the boys and 
girls at the time of their publication, and are so even now, and 
at times give light on topics of importance. It may perhaps 
interest the reader to see some of the entries. We find the 
following which gives a clew to the book used for instruction 
in grammar. 



"oSeepage 183 f. 

iiiMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 30—1784, 123 ff. 
i'2P. C. vS. M., I, 117. 

ii^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 30—1784, 123 ff. 

i'''vSome copies and volumes of these illustrious news sheets are found 
in the Norris Ms. Collection. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 189 



Was lost on Wednesday in The Public School Rudiman's Gram- » , items 
mar newly bound — Whoever has found the same and wiU bring it to me t ;T-,tere<?t 
. . . . shall receive i sheet of paper reward. 1 value 

S. FlSHER.115 

Another of interest bewails the departure of Thomas Lloyd 
from school to go into Lancaster County. 



This worthy Gentleman, was admitted aboafc a 12 month ago 
into the society of freeholders, since which time he has been a very dis- 
tinguished member of our community and a firm supporter of our institu- 
tions. He has been twice elected Clerk of the Supreme Court and twice 
raised to the dignity of President of the Honorable House of Assembly, 
which offices together with Treasurer he filled with most unblemished 
reputation and unshaked fidelity. His character in the literary world 
is sufficiently established by many genuine productions of judgment and 
humor. His affable disposition, his engaging address and behavior 
endear him to all that had the happiness of his acquaintance and render 
his departure a cause of great regret.^^^ 

Another brief notice indicates that the Quaker preferment 
for plain dress was also made to prevail in the schoolroom. 

From a certain expression which lately drop'd from one of the over- 
seers, we would have the greatest reason to beHeve that Mr. Webster's 
gay appearance is rather disagreeable."'^ 

Some supervision of the work on the part of over- 
seers and school committees seems to have been at all times 
expected, though attention hardly needs be called to it 
after the presentation of so many reports made by commit- 
tees, in the chapters relating to the establishment of schools 
in the several counties. From the irregularity in the reports 
we judge, however, that the visitation must have likewise 
been irregular in many places. In 1755 the Board in Phila- 
delphia decided that for the encouragement of masters and 
scholars there should be visits made each month, preceding 
the usual monthly meetings. Also if "play days" were 
thought necessary they were to be arranged for between the 
masters and the committee of visitors.^^^ The minutes indi- 
cate that these monthly visits were regularly performed. The 



^^^Norris Ms. Collection — The Student's Magazine. 
are unpaged; page references are impossible. 
i-i-^Norris Ms. Collection. ^"Ibid. 

lisp. C. S. M., I, 135. 



The little volumes 



Thomas 
Lloyd 



Gay cloth- 
ing dis- 
agreeable 



Supervision 



Somewhat 
irregular 

Monthly 
visits 
decided 
upon 



igo 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



The curri- 
cula are in 
general in 
harmony 
with the 
recommen- 
dations of 
the yearly 
meetings; 
and the 
Frame of 
Government 



Studies pur- 
sued in 
Flower's 
school 

In Benezet's 
Walby's 



Negro School, established in 1770, was also in charge of a 
committee to visit, superintend, and advise regarding its 
affairs.^^® 

THE CURRICULUM 

If we go back to our references on the advices of the yearly 
meetings of London and Philadelphia we shall find there the 
basic reasons for the subjects which are to be mentioned as 
taught regularly in the schools. We recall that there was an 
emphasis placed on the moral, the useful and practical, and 
the subjects first to be mentioned were: writing, reading, 
and arithmetic, which constituted the necessities.^^^ Fur- 
thermore, the Frame of Government of 1696, the product of 
Quaker minds and hands, recommended to erect and order all 
public houses and encourage and reward the authors of useful 
sciences and laudable inventions. ^^^ It is seen also from 
later advices of the yearly meeting that the useful was not 
limited necessarily to the four R's, religion, arithmetic, writ- 
ing, and reading. In 1737, they recommended that as 
opportunity could be foimd, children should be permitted to 
learn "French, High and Low Dutch, Danish, etc."i23 The 
use of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew is also justified by Crouch,^^* 
and it is well known and evident in all their writings that 
Perm, Barclay, Fothergill, Lloyd, Proud, Pastorius, and 
innimaerable others were classically educated men. 

The curriculum of the first school (Enoch Flower's) con- 
sisted of reading, writing, and casting accounts, ^^^ and it seems 
entirely probable that these were the chief constituents, along 
with moral instruction, for many years, in all save the Latin 
School. At any rate there occur no disproving factors in 
that early period. In 1742, when Anthony Benezet came 
from the Germantown school to Philadelphia, he was em- 
ployed to teach arithmetic, writing, accounts, and French. ^^* 



"^Thila. Mo. Min., i — 25 — 1771, 430. 

i2iLondon Yr. Mtg. Min., 4 — 2 to 10— 1718, 160. Phila. Advices XXX, 
page 250 (for years from 1 746-1 778). Also a copy of the Discipline 
containing the digested recommendations on schools, p. 386 ff. (In 
first National Bank, Newtown, Pa.). 

122C0/. Rec, I, LXVI. 

i^'Extracts from London Yr. Mtg. Min., pub. 1802, 124. 

^'^''Crouch, Collection of His Papers, 183. 

i25Co/. Rec, I, 36. 

i28P. C. S. M., I, 33. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 191 



John Walby, employed about ten years before him (Benezet) 
was to teach reading, writing, and arithmetics^'' Alexander 
Seaton was employed in 1751 to teach a school "in the upper 
part of the City," the subjects being writing, arithmetic, and 
parts of the mathematics. ^^^ In 1754, when Benezet first 
began in the Girls' School (mornings), he was required to 
instruct in reading, writing, arithmetic, and English gram- 
mar. ^^^ Then, besides what we may term the English School, 
in which Seaton and Benezet taught for some time, there were 
others which we might term "petty schools," for example, one 
kept by Debby Godfrey, ^^^ who taught some poor children to 
learn to sew and read, and another, taught by Ann Redman 
(1761), previously occupied by Rebeckah Burchall, where 
were taught reading, writing, and plain sewing.^^^ 

Since writing letters was an art much used and cultivated 
in the Colonial Period, and writing was greatly emphasized in 
the schools, it may be of interest to insert a letter written by a 
school boy in 1735. The letter is written in a fairly regular 
boyish hand, and is probably the production of a yoimgster 
about 12 years of age. 

Nov. 21, 1735. 
Dear Uncle, 

I think in duty, I ought to wait on you with my first letter, which I 
hope will plead excuse for aU faults. I remember what you told me, and 
write or go to school every day — I am much obliged to you for your kind 
present of tickets, and hope I shall have good success. — Pray give my 
duty to Uncle and Aunt Penn and all my Cousins. My love to Mr. 
Philaps, Mr. Jervice and Farmer Dill. With all my Friends. — So 
conclude. 

Dear Uncle 

Your AfPct. Nep. 

Thomas Freame.* 
Phil. d. Novbr. 21, 1735. 

At later dates than those above mentioned the records of 
the overseers, reports made in the monthly meetings of 



"^P. C. S. M., 14. 

^^Hhid., 90. 

^^^Ibid., 117. 

^^"Ibid., 145. 

^^^Ibid., 221. 

*A letter written to John Penn, Penn Ms. Collections, I, 233. 



Seaton's 



Girls' 
School 



Godfrey's 



Letter 
writing 



192 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Currictilum 
of later dates 



Spelling 



Quaker 
school 
curricula 
compared 
with others 



Studies pur- 
sued in the 
Negro School 



Philadelphia, Horsham School Minutes, Darby, and others, 
indicate that the curriculum consisted of reading, English, 
writing, arithmetic, branches of the mathematics, sewing, 
spelling, needlework, and other things suitable for girls.^^^ 
The only one which is mentioned at this latter date, and not 
at the former, is spelling. This of course does not mean, 
necessarily, that spelling had just been introduced. In 1756 
the visiting committee reported that spelling books and 
Bibles were needed in the schools for the poor children, ^^^ and 
since Benezet's spelling book came to a second edition in 
1779,^^^ and Fox's Instructions for Right Spelling was pub- 
lished in Philadelphia in 1702,^^^ we may be certain that 
spelling as a regular study began at a very early date. If we 
compare this curriculttm with those mentioned by private 
tutors at the same time, we find them essentially the same. 
There was, however, frequent mention of such subjects as 
navigation, calk guaging, mensuration, bookkeeping, ^^^ sur- 
veying,^^'' dialling,^^^ astronomy, and fortification, ^^^ which 
are not mentioned definitely in the curriculum of the Friends' 
schools. It is quite probable that those above, dealing with 
higher mathematics, were included in the higher mathematics 
taught in the Classical School. But one cannot imagine that 
"fortification" was granted a place. Those studies of the 
mathematics may be mentioned again in studying the curric- 
ulum of the Latin School. 

The curriculum in the Negro School (1770) consisted 
approximately of the same subjects, though they may have 
been modified to some extent in presentation, and restricted 
more or less to the rudiments. The subjects of instruction 
mentioned when the school first began were reading, writing, 
and arithmetic, and were to be taught under "prudent" and 
"competent" direction. ^^^ 



i^^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7 — 30, 1779, 151; 1—30 — 1784, 123 ff. Also, 
Min. Horsham Sch. Com., i — 27 — 1783; Min. Horsham Prep. Mtg., 
I — 24 — 1783, and Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 2 — 28 — 1793, 165, give some of 
the books which were used in the schools. 

"3?. C. S. M., I, 138. "^Hildeburn, II, 332. 

^^^Ibid., I, 39. ^^^Pa. Gaz., No. 1245, 1752. 

^^Ubid., No. 1499, 1757. i^^Ibid., No. 1861, 1764. 



^^Ubid., No. 1556, 1758. 
""Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg. 



3—30—1770, 370. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 193 



What books were used for the instruction in this curriculum 
of the English and Lower schools? We cannot state abso- 
lutely in the case of all studies, but we can judge with com- 
parative certainty what books were most available for their 
use. 

In the case of those used for religious instruction, the meet- 
ing records usually mentioned the name, which enables one to 
state with absolute certainty that certain books were used. 
Bibles for the use of schools were requested by the visiting 
committees of the overseers in Philadelphia, for the use of 
poor scholars. ^^^ Other books of religious and denomina- 
tional character such as Penn's Reflections, Maxims, and 
Advice to His Children, are mentioned definitely by Darby, ^^ 
Horsham School Committee, ^^ Sadsbury.^^ and Byberry 
Preparative meetings^^^ as being received for use in connection 
with the schools. Byberry Preparative, ^^^ Radnor^^^ and Sads- 
bury^*^ monthly meetings mention further the receipt of Bar- 
clay's Apologies for school use. Besides these, which were un- 
doubtedly used for school instruction, there was a long list of 
journals, essays, letters, epistles, histories of Friends, etc., 
which always were in the possession of each meeting and may 
have been used indirectly at least. They will be mentioned 
more at length in pages following. 

The spelling book prepared by Fox and published in 
Philadelphia in 1702,^^^ must have claimed a place in the 
Friends' schools, though the books are nowhere mentioned by 
name. The title of this book includes reading, writing, 
spelling, and other things useful and necessary, and may 
easily have served for other purposes than use in spelling 
instruction. Other spellers, which became available from 
time to time, were Benezet's Pennsylvania Spelling Book and 
The Alphabet printed by Henry Miller, 1770.^^'' Among 



i«P. C. S. M., 1, 138. 

i*2Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 2 — 28 — 1793, 165. 

i^Miti. Horsham Sch. Com., i — 11 — -1793. 

i^Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 2 — 20 — 1793, 118. 

"^Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 12 — 26 — 1792. 

"«/&«c^., 8— 26— 1789. 

"^Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 5 — 8 — 1789, 55. 

"8Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 6— 17— 1789, II, 70, 

"^Hildebttrn, I, 39 (published in London 1697). 

iso/JJd., II, 100. 



Books 
prominent 
for religious 
instruction 
in the schools 

Bible 

Apology of 
Barclay, and 
Penn's 
Reflections, 
Maxims, and 
Advice to His 
Children 



Books 
probably 
used in 
spelling 



194 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Primers 
likely to be 
used 



Other 
primers 
available for 
use during 
the century 



those which were used later in the century, Prowell, in speak- 
ing of the schools in York County, notes Comly's, Cobb's, 
and Webster's. '^^^ From this array, which is no doubt incom- 
plete, we may judge the schools were well supplied. 

Of the primers available, and likely to be used, there were 
a host. The first which should be mentioned was that 
published by Fox in 1659; it is not known whether this 
primer was used in Philadelphia. It seems that it was not 
printed there. ^^^ In 1677-8, the monthly meeting authorized 
the purchase of "primmers,"^^^ however, and the choice must 
have been either Fox's or Pastorius'. No student of early 
printing in Philadelphia has yet been able to determine when 
the latter's was published. Hildebum is in doubt, ^^ while 
Smith thinks the "primmers" ordered by the meeting 1697-8 
must have been those of Pastorius. ^^^ The minute, however, 
does not state which. In 1696 Pastorius indicated his willing- 
ness to take charge of a printing press for Friends,^^® but, 
since it had to be brought from England, it is not likely, though 
possible, that he himself could have printed the book, before 
the time of the "primmer" purchase was mentioned. Since 
Pastorius lists a Fox's Primmer among the books in his 
possession, ^^^ that book must have been known in the monthly 
too meeting, and may have been the one used.* The data are 
inadequate and uncertain for reaching a decisionin the matter. 

Other primers published and available in Philadelphia and 
which may well have gotten into Friends' schools were 
Franklin's, 1 764 ; The New England Primmer Improved, 1770; 
The Nevuest American Primer, 1779; The New England Prim- 
mer Improved, 1779; and A Primmer, 1779.^^^ The minutes 



i"Prowell, I, 540. 

«2ln 1689 Phila. Mo. Mtg. authorized W. Bradford to print certain of 
G. Fox's papers. These are not named and it hardly seems probable 
that Fox's Primmer was in the list. Bradford's request for permission 
(Geneological Publications, II, 139), H. S. P. 

is'Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 12— 25— 1697-8, p. 227 (G. S. P. P.) 

""Hildeburn, I, 38. 

"'^Smith, Supplement to Catalogue of Friends Books, 262. 

i68Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11— 29— 1696-7, 211. (G. S. P. P., Vol. 4). 

i"Pastorius's Common Place Book (Mss.) H. S. P. 

I'^^Hildeburn, II, 21, 114, 341, 340, and 343, respectively. 

*The Primer of Stephen Crisp is also mentioned frequently with that of 
Fox, as being used in the schools. (Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 8 — 27 — 
1735. 207. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 195 



of the meetings give little guidance as to which were or were 
not used. We know only they had this list (and perhaps 
more) from which to select. Still other books which were 
probably used in the English work were Dilworth's A New 
Guide to the English Tongue and The Child's New Plaything or 
Best Amusement, intended to make the Learning to Read a 
Diversion instead of a Task, both of which were published in 

1757.^^' 

For use in the writing school, we find one definite refer- 
ence made to Bickam's Universal Penman, which was pur- 
chased for use in Alexander Seaton's School in 1762.^^" The 
various primers and spellers already mentioned dealt largely 
with writing also, giving models which were to be set before 
the pupil in the books or to be written out for him by the 
master. Some of the mottoes called to mind were: "Com- 
mand you may your mind from Play" and "A man of words 
and not of deeds, is like a garden full of weeds. "^®^ The first 
exercises in writing were the making of elements such as 
straight lines, curves, and then single letters, and words. The 
various samples which the writer has noticed in the boy's 
letter quoted,^®^ and the student manuscript papers,^®^ were of 
very good quality, the median grade of them being about 
"eleven" on the Thomdike Handwriting Scale.* 

Various arithmetics may be mentioned. There were 
Gough's A Treatise of Arithmetic, Theory, etc., 1770, and 
Practical Arithmetic, 1767, neither of which appears to have 
been published in Philadelphia, but may have been better 
recommended than others, since gotten up by a Friend. 
Dilworth's Schoolmaster's Assistant published in Philadelphia, 
1773,^^* was no doubt a close competitor with Pike's, Park's, 
and Daboll's arithmetics, which Prowell mentions as being 
common in the latter part of the century. ^®^ He also describes 



In the 
writing 
schools 



Quality of 
some samples 
noted 



Arithmetics 
used in some 
of the 
schools 



"sHildeburn, I, 318. 
"»P. C. S. M., I, 240. 
"iProwell, I, 541. 
i^^See page 191. 

i^Chiefly in the Norris Mss. Collections. 

*A scale, having units of known value, which is used in measuring 
accomplishment in handwriting. 
"^Hildeburn, II, 164. 
i^Prowell, I, 540. 



196 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Ms. collec- 
tion indi- 
cates the 
nature of the 
arithmetic 
work 



Classical 

school 

curriculum 



a book gotten up by Elihu Underwood, schoolmaster at 
Warrington, in which he copied very orderly all the exercises 
of the arithmetic, ^^® The N orris Collection likewise contains a 
few pupils' copy books filled with neatly arranged exercises in 
addition, multiplication, division, both decimal and vulgar 
fractions, and another one which would correspond to our 
present-day commercial arithmetic, but which Isaac Norris 
probably called his merchants' accounts.^^'' The books vary 
in dates from 1729 to 1779. 

The curriculum of the classical school is best indicated by 
statements made on employing teachers for that place, which, 
though they'indicate the subjects, do not state what materials 
were used for study. Whether the materials used in the 
study of the Greek and Latin tongues included the so-called 
"profane authors" is a matter for speculation. Robert 
Willian in 1748 was brought from England to teach Latin 
and Greek and other parts of learning. ^^^ The "other parts" 
may have included some English grammar, writing, and 
mathematics, as these are frequently mentioned elsewhere as 
being a part of the Latin school course. ^^^ Several masters 
employed from time to time for instruction in these subjects 
were (after Willian): Alexander BuUer,* writing, mathe- 
matics, and the Latin tongue; John Wilson, as usher^^" to the 
master in the same school, and later as master ;^'^^ King;^^^ 
William Johnson;"^ Charles Thompson;^''* and Robert 
Proud.^''^ Others might be named, all of whom seem to have 
been employed for teaching substantially the same curricu- 
lum. Arithmetic and reading are at times mentioned as 
being taught in the Latin school, usually by the ushers."^ 



i^^EUhu Underwood was teacher at Warrington in York County in 
1784 (See Warrington Mo. Mtg. Min., i — 10 — 1784, 47. 

^^morris Ms. Collection, H. S. P. 

"sp. C. S. M., I, 64. 

^^Hbid., 26; also Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151. 

*In 1 741 Buller advertised the teaching of writing, aritlimetic, mer- 
chants' accounts, navigation, algebra, and other parts of the mathema- 
tics to be taught at the "Public School." {Pa. Gaz. No. 673, 1741). 

^-^Hhid., 84. 

^''Hbid., loi. 

^'"^Ibid., 122. 

i"76id., 131. "*Ibid., 133. 

I'^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 30—1784, 123 ff. 

^''^Ibid., 7 — 30 — -1779, 151. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 197 



The curricultun of what was known as the English School 
overlapped in some respects that of the Latin. Among the 
subjects usually taught there may be mentioned: arithme- 
tic, writing, accounts, French,^^' reading,^^^ and probably 
some mathematics.^''^ The Girls School's curriculum, taught 
by Benezet in 1754, consisted of reading, writing, arithmetic, 
and English grammar. ^^^ 

Some light is cast on the method of instruction in the 
English and Latin schools by instructions given by the Board 
for the use of the master. Latin scholars were to be accus- 
tomed to analyze and parse their several lessons; and the 
English scholars to learn it grammatically. Moreover the 
double translation method for Latin and Greek was required 
for instruction in those subjects; and practice in hand- 
writing and spelling. ^^1 The reader is also referred to page 
183 to the rules of Robert Proud, in which he states that 
Latin, as far as the pupils are able, must be used in the school. 
The reading of the Scriptures was required three times a 
week,^^2 and in later rules (1795), they name also the works of 
Penn and Barclay as being required. They are placed in the 
same category with the Scriptures. ^^^ 

Of the grammars used we made reference previously to 
that of Rudiman,^^* which was published in Philadelphia in 
1776.^^^ This was the first American edition. Another, 
Davy's Adminiculum Puerile,^^^ or a help for school boys, 
containing fundamental exercises for beginners, syntax, 
cautions for mistakes, English for Latin verses, and so forth, 
which was made easily available by a Philadelphia reprint in 
1758, may have been in 1 se. We might expect to find that 



i"P. C. S. M., I, 33- 

^■'Ubid., 14. 

i^'Alexander Seaton, who came to the English School about 1754 (P. C. 
S. M. I, 117) had been teaching a school of the same nattire in the upper 
part of the city, in which he taught mathematics. That school was 
also under the direction of the Board. (P. C. S. M., I, 90). 

isoj&id., 80. 

isim'd., 104 f. 

i^^A list of the rules for the government of the schools, printed, in the 
P. C. S. depository. 
is^Seepage 189. 
is^Hildeburn, II, 266. 
^^Ubid., 464. 



Curriculum 
in the 
English 
school 



Methods 
used in 
language 
instruction 



Latin to be 
used in 
school as 
much as 
possible; 
Scriptures, 
Penn, and 
Barclay 
required 



Grammar 
used; 

others that 
were 
available 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



French 
gi-ammars 



School 
books 

possessed by 

Daniel 

Pastorius 



Mathematics 



some of the worthy masters, Pastorius, Willian, Thompson, 
Wilson, Proud, and others made some contribution in the 
wa}^ of Latin text -books; we are, in that respect, disap- 
pointed. Another grammar, but of the English tongue, was 
that prepared by James and John Gough, which, after being 
duly inspected by the Board, was adopted for use in the 
English School in 1761.^^'' Since English grammar was also 
taught in the Latin School, it may have been used in that 
department also. Concerning the French book or grammar 
which Anthony Benezet may have used when he was engaged 
to teach that subject in 1742,^^^ we cannot state definitely. 
However, there was a French School Book published in 
Philadelphia in 1730,^^^ and it may safely be assumed to have 
been available for his use. The character of the book we do 
not know. Perrin's Grammar oj the French Tongue was printed 
in Philadelphia, 1 779,^^'' and was no doubt the best book avail- 
able for use of the schools at and subsequent to that time. 
It may be well to mention here some school books which were 
in the possession of Daniel Pastorius; their presence may 
indicate that they, or a part of them, were used in the school. 
They were: Education, The Young Clerk's Tutor, Elements 
of Geometry, A Short Introduction to Grammar, The English 
School Master, G. Fox's Primmer, and Teacher's Instruction 
for Children P^ 

Some idea of the extent to which mathematics was taught 
may be gained from certain old exercise books. Some of 
those, which doubtless belong to the lower schools, dealt with 
arithmetical exercises, with whole niimbers, vulgar and deci- 
mal fractions, and commercial arithmetic. ^^^ Others, clearly 
more advanced, and doubtless belonging to the Latin school, 
though some were taught in the English, are chiefly filled 
with theorem.s and proven solutions in geometry, trigonome- 
try, conic sections, and spherical trigonometry.^^^ This 



187P. C. S. M., I, 235. 
i88Seepage 57. 
^^^Pa. Gaz., Apr. 16, 1730. 
isoHildebum, II, 342. 

i^'Pastorius, Common Place Book {Mss.) H. S. P. 
i^^Books of Charles and Isaac Norris in Norris Ms. Collection. 
I'^Books chiefly of Norris, I. Griffiths, and King, in the Norris Ms. 
Collection. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 199 

compares quite favorably with the courses suggested in the 
newspapers, as we have already mentioned. 



METHOD 

Concerning this topic little is to be added to what has 
already been suggested in connection with the discussion of 
the subject matter. Some points of method, of which we are 
reasonably certain, will be stated. In reHgious instruction, 
where the Bible, Penn's, Barclay's, Fox's, and other works 
were used as the material, a catechetical method was used by 
parents in the home, by the masters and mistresses in the 
schools, and in the youths' meetings, which were always 
among the first established. This method still prevails to 
some extent for the young children. Drill in spelling and 
handwriting has already been mentioned as urged by the 
overseers in their directions to the m.asters and mistresses in 
the Latin and English schools. ^^* The chief elements of 
Latin and Greek instruction were: analysis, parsing, double 
translation, and the necessary memory drills. The pupils in 
Proud's school were also required to speak Latin so far as able 
to do so. We have also mentioned that in teaching writing 
the practise was to begin with simple lines, curves, etc., and 
proceed to the more complex performances.^^^ In the 
majority of subjects "copybooks" were required to be kept. 
All of these the v/riter has been privileged to observe, being 
kept in a very neat and regular fashion. ^^^ 



Methods 



Catechetical 
method in 
religion 



Drill in 
spelling and 
writing 



Parsing, 
double 
translation 
in classics 



OTHER LITERATURE USED IN THE MEETINGS 

Besides the books already mentioned that are known to 
have been concerned directly with schools, there were 
innumerable others which were printed by Friends and cir- 
culated at their suggestion among all the meetings. They 
are largely religious and doctrinal treatises; many of them, 
though not found thus stated, may have been used in instruc- 
tion. They were at least of educational importance to the 



""P. C. S. M., I, 104 f. 

"^See page 195. 

"6See Norris Ms. Collection, H. S. P. 



Books cir- 
culated 
regularly 
among 
meetings 



200 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Usually 
pttrchased 
by the 
meetings; 
not always 



A list of 
books most 
commonly 
found in the 
meeting 



commmiities that read them. They are mentioned in the 
minutes of every meeting. Though usually paid for by the 
meeting, the Board of Overseers in Philadelphia went on 
record to the effect that fines for absence from, or tardiness in 
coming to their meetings should be applied to the purchase of 
books for the school library. ^^'^ Sometimes they were given 
by bequest, as in the case of the Philadelphia school, which 
received through the monthly meeting a large collection (for 
that day) from Thomas Chalkly.^^^ The list, as given below, 
is made up from records of Sadsbury, Westland, Warrington 
and Fairfax, Uwchlan, Concord, Radnor, New Garden, 
London Yearly, Philadelphia Yearly, Gw3medd, Falls, 
Exeter, Wrightstown, Darby, Byberry, Horsham, Abington, 
and Buckingham meetings, and though perhaps it does not 
contain all, it does have those most commonly used. This 
list is as follows: 

Banks, Journal, Life and Travels. 

Barclay, Anarchy of the Ranters. 

Bathurst, Truth Vindicated. 

Benezet, Account of the Friends (in the German language). 

On the Keeping of Slaves. 
Churchman, Journal. 
Claridge, Posthumous works. 
Crisp, Epistles of Stephen Crisp. 
Davis, Journal. 
Edmundson, Journal. 
Elwood, Works. 
Fothergill, Journal. 
Fox, Journal. 
Fuller, Catechism. 
Hall, A Mite into the Treasury. 

Holme, A Serious Call in Christian Love to all People. 
Keith, Way to the City of God. 
London Yearly Meeting's Epistles. 
Penn, No Cross No Crown. 

Rise and Progress of the Quakers. 

Travels in Germany. 
Philadelphia Yearly Meeting's Epistles. 
Richardson, Life of John Richardsott. 
Sewell, History of Friends. 



i8'P. C. S. M., I, 239. 
"87Wd., 75. 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 201 

Scott, Journal. 

Spaulding, Reason for leaving the National Mode of Worship. 

Stanton, Journal. 

Treatises on Tythes. 

Treatises on Reasons for Silent Waiting. 

Turford, Grounds of an Holy Life. 

Woolman, Journal. 



- SUMMARY 

The first problem presented was how to establish some 
satisfactory means of school support, which should be per- 
manent, and thus conducive to better schools in every way. 
Recommendations from the yearly meetings dwelt upon 
this point in the yearly advices, but being of a general and 
advisory character, could not compel the lower units to act at 
once. This lack of power in a control authority was the 
greatest weakness, and because of it, educational develop- 
ment was not so rapid as it might otherwise have been. The 
chief forms of school support were: (i) subscription, (2) 
rates, (3) bonds, and (4) legacies. In accordance with sugges- 
tions made by the yearly meeting, plans were adopted by 
most meetings (in the latter half of the century) for the 
establishment of permanent funds. These plans were based 
upon the subscription idea. The chief characteristics of the 
plans adopted were: 

1. Voluntary subscriptions; interest-bearing notes given. 

2. Trustees always named in the monthly meetings. 

3. Reports to be made regularly to the trustees. 

4. All money received was to be invested, real property preferred. 

5. The monthly meeting to decide any disputes arising among 
trustees. 

6. Ftmds were to pay salaries, and provide and repair buildings. 

The organization was headed by the yearly meeting, whose 
advices were distributed among the lower units. The 
quarterly meeting was nothing more than a supervisory and 
directing group. The real work of organizing schools was 
performed by the monthly and preparative meetings. The 
other quarterly and monthly meetings worked through 
specially appointed committees. 

Several schools, in Philadelphia and Abington, for example, 
very early acquired permanent lands for their foundation. 



Support 



Weakness in 
the organi- 
zation 

Forms of 
support 



Subscription 
plans gener- 
ally adopted 



Organization 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



The school 
lands 



Houses 



Two classes 
of pupils 

Growth of 
schools 



Length of 
school week 
and day- 
Vacations 



Supervision 



Curriculum 
of Latin 
School 

Grammars 
used 



Method 



Others did not gain such foundations until the latter part of 
the eighteenth century. Even where land was possessed, the 
schools were quite often held for a lime in the meeting houses. 
Sometimes the m.eeting house was used until late in the 19th 
century, as in the case of the Merion School. Other schools 
were held in the home of the teacher. The buildings were not 
large, and were often used for the masters' families, or parts 
of them let out to tenants. In one case in Philadelphia the 
schoolhouse was heated for a time with a brick stove. 

There were always two classes recognized, the pay pupil 
and the free pupil. Every necessity was furnished the latter 
by the board or committee in charge of schools. Teachers (in 
Philadelphia, at least) had to keep a list of scholars and their 
expenditures and report to the board. The size of schools 
remained about the same, but the increase in number of 
schools indicated the growth of the system in Philadelphia. 

Very explicit rules were laid down for the government of 
the pupils' behavior, both in school and out. By some 
masters they were enforced mildly; by others harshly. In 
spite of excellent rules and premiums offered, the masters 
were perplexed with the discipline and attendance problems. 
School was kept for five and one-half days per week and from 
seven to eight hours each day; however, some were kept only 
half days. Vacations were brief and seldom. The various 
student papers indicate the presence of a student organiza- 
tion. To promote the interest of the pupils and assist the 
master, visitations were performed at periods by the commit- 
tee on schools. 

The curriculum of the Latin School consisted of Latin, 
Greek, English grammar, writing and mathematics. There 
was some overlapping of the curricula of the English and 
Latin schools. Rudiman's Grammar was used, and Davy's 
Adminiculum Puerile, Cough's English Mannor, and Perrin's 
Grammar of the French Tongue were available for use. 
Whether classical authors were or were not included in the 
materials used in Greek and Latin classes is not shown by the 
records. It has been stated that parsing, analysis, double 
translation, and speaking Latin as much as possible in school, 
were the chief elements in the method of instruction. Mathe- 



School Support, Organization and Curriculum 203 



matics included anything as advanced as spherical trigonome- 
try and conic sections. 

The curriculum of the lower schools consisted of reading, 
writing, casting accounts and arithmetic. No mention is 
made that French was taught before Benezet's coming in 
1742, Though no early explicit reference to spelling is made, 
we infer it must have been taught at an early date. Many 
schools were kept for poor children in which were taught 
reading, writing and sewing. The curriculum of the Negro 
School consisted of reading, writing and arithmetic. 

A large amount of literattue of religious character was 
circulated through the meetings, and probably constituted 
a good part of the materials used in the schools. 



Ctirriculum 
of lower 
schools 

In the 
Negro School 

Literature 
used in the 
meetings 



CHAPTER X 



MASTERS AND MISTRESSES 



Discussion 
of individual 
masters to 
be brief 



Qualifica- 
tions de- 
manded of 
teachers; 
morality, 
membership 
and 
competency 



Serious 
attempt 
made to 
meet the 
standards 
set 



There is on this subject a considerable amount of available 
material, though much of it is difficult of access. Of a long 
list of Quaker masters, and mistresses too, for they employed 
women from the very earliest date, it will be impossible in the 
brief space of this chapter to say more than a word. Some 
will only be mentioned because of scarcity of material con- 
cerning them; others must be only mentioned, even though 
they are of such importance that the story of their lives have 
required and would require volumes to write. ^ 

Before a discussion of the masters and mistresses employed 
in the Quaker schools, it should be ascertained, if possible, 
what were the ideals or standards which were consciously set 
up to guide in their selection. What sort of tutors did they 
desire? This has already been touched upon, in other chap- 
ters, so we may simply state the chief criteria without further 
discussion. These, as stated from time to time by the yearly 
meei-ings and reiterated by quarterly, monthly, and pre- 
paratives, werer (i) morality, (2) be a member of Friends, 
and (3) competent to teach the subjects for which emplo3^ed.2 
The selection of teachers possessing such qualifications was 
usually entrusted to the care of committees as has already 
been sufficiently pointed out. 

In a majority of cases there was a real concern on the part 
of the monthly meetings' committees to secure teachers 
possessing the above named qualities,^ their success in so 
doing increasing towards the latter part of the i8th century. 



^For instance, F. D. Pastorius, Anthony Benezet, Robert Proud, 
Christopher Taylor, and many others. 

2Min. London Yr. Mtg., 4 — 9 to 11 — 1690, 52; 4 — i to 4 — 1691, 60; 
3 — 13 to 17 — 1695, 89; also collected Advices of Philadelphia and 
Burlington Yr. Mtg., 250 ff. 

^Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 2 — 22 — 1786. 

(204) 



Masters and Mistresses 



205 



The fact that they have been successful in securing Friends 
for teachers is usually mentioned in their reports.^ In 
bequests of property for use of schools, it was quite customary 
to state that the masters or mistresses should be Friends, and 
to be otherwise conducted as directed by the yearly meeting.^ 
There were of necessity some failures in the attempt to 
secure such qualified masters, the failures being sometimes 
recorded in the minutes.^ The failures seem generally to 
have been caused by the scarcity of the masters rather than 
carelessness on the part of the meeting or its committees.'' 

The source whence teachers were secured was usually, in 
the case of the lower schools, home talent, no record having 
been found where a teacher was sent for or came from a great 
distance especially to take charge of schools. But innumer- 
able instances, of which a few are cited later in this work, are 
at hand, where home talent was employed.^ Enoch Flower, 
the first master employed, was "an inhabitant of the said 
town. "9 

In the case of the classical school, the practice was quite 
different. The difference was doubtless the result of neces- 
sity, rather than of choice. The first master, Keith, of the 
school which was first established by the meeting, and his 
successors, Makin, Cadwalader, and Pastorius, were, of 
course, as much native to the place as were any of the early 
settlers in the city. Of later masters, however, quite a num- 
ber were brought from England especially for the business of 
"keeping school" or sought in other of the colonies. Certain 
specific cases may be mentioned. In 1784 Robert Willian 
came from England "to undertake keeping Friends' school," 
producing a certificate from Scarborough Meeting in York- 
shire.^° In 1746 the committee had been appointed to write 



Teachers in 
lower 

schools HJI ;1 
usually from 
the home 
locality 



Many Latin 
School mas- 
ters came 
from a dis- 
tance 

WiUian 



*Min, Goshen Mo. Mtg., 7 — 6 — 1792; Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 5 — 
12 — 1785 — 814; Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7 — 11 — 1786,4; Min. Uwchlan 
Mo. Mtg., 12 — 5 — 1782, 136; II — 7 — 1782, 132. 

^Deed No. 88, New Garden, Tp. .Chester Co. (In Fireproof of Ortho- 
dox Friends in West Grove, Pa.). 

«Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 8-11-1797; Min. Ken. Mo. Mtg., 3 — 14 — 

1793, 39- 

^Min. Goshen Mtg., 8 — 5 — 1796. 

sp. C. S. M., I, 3, 33, and 90; Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7 — 17 — 1692, 
54; Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 29 — 1700, 254; 4 — 24 — 1720, 63. 

^Col. Rec. I, 36. lOMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 6—^6—1784, 64. 



2o6 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Robert 
Proud 



Peter 
Warren 



To supply- 
teachers, the 
apprentice- 
ship system 
used 



Samuel 

Eldridge 

apprenticed 



and others 



to England concerning a teacher for the Public School.^^ 
Previous to this time a similar attempt had been made to 
secure someone to take the place of William Robbins.^'' 
Similarly, Robert Proud was recommended by John Fother- 
gill in 1758 to Israel Pemberton (of Philadelphia) as a very 
smtable master for the school.^^ Their "teacher's agency" in 
England was constituted by two members, John Fothergill 
and John Hunt ; at any rate, for some forty or fifty years they 
always informed them as soon as they had need of masters, 
and except in a few cases, masters were sent over. At one 
time (1760) not being able to hear of a possible applicant in 
England, an attempt was made to induce Peter Warren, an 
inhabitant of Virginia, to come to the position, at a salary of 
£150, plus £20 to transport his family." In the ensuing 
correspondence it was stated by the said Warren that he 
chose to go to Pittsburg; to inhabitants of Philadelphia his 
choice must have seemed ridiculous. 

However, the overseers of the school were not daunted. 
Quite in keeping with the system of apprenticing the youth 
in various occupations to members of Friends, and also in 
keeping with the general custom of the day, they sought out 
the brightest and most capable poor lad in their limits, and if 
they found him interested at all in the "futures" of teaching, 
they made the offer of an apprenticeship in the school. 
Instances may be cited which will clarify their procedure. 

In 1 7 56 it was proposed that Samuel Eldridge be apprenticed 
to the board to prepare him to become a teacher of Latin and 
Greek ;^^ he was to study Latin, Greek, Arithmetic, Accounts, 
and Mathematics.^^ He was to be furnished, besides the 
instruction, clothing and board, and was paid £30 annually. 
In return for this he studied and performed such duties in the 
capacity of usher as his progress in the various subjects would 
permit. At the end of the period of his indenture (1760) the 
board manifested their approval of his services by a gift of 
£10.1'' At another time shortly subsequent thereto there was 



"P. C. S. M., I, 58. 
^Hhid., 5 f. 
^^Ibid., 175. 
^*Ilnd., 208. 
^^Ibid., 139. 



16/Wd., 141. 



"Ibid., 265. 



Masters and Mistresses 



207 



mentioned the desirability of encouraging James Dickinson, 
Richard Dickinson, and Joseph Rice to continue their 
schooling in order to become school masters ; members of the 
board were named to speak with them and to ascertain their 
desires and intentions.^^ One of them, James Dickinson, was 
in 1762 indented to serve three years in the same manner as 
Eldridge.^^ King also, in 1754, was taken in as usher 
at a very small salary, later to become a master in the 
school.^" The exact extent of the apprenticing of school mas- 
ters is not determined, but it does not seem to have been 
widely practised in and aroimd Philadelphia. This appear- 
ance might, however, be corrected if greater sources of 
information were available. 

One would judge from the complaints of the yearly meet- 
ings, and their recommendations, that better and more 
permanent accommodations be afforded, so that teachers 
might be more easily kept,^^ that the tenure of the early 
Quaker schoolmaster was short. The yearly meeting recog- 
nized the advantage accruing from longer tenure, and did seek 
to remove some of the causes which worked against it. Just 
how much they were able to increase the tenure it is impossi- 
ble to say. We may, however, cite certain cases in which the 
duration of a master's service is known. Benjamin Clift 
was apparently employed to teach in Darby for two years at 
least.22 Jacob Taylor, who was concerned with a school 
at Abington about 1701,22 and became a land surveyor about 
1 706^^, may have continued to teach there between those two 
dates. He seems to have been resident there in that period,^^ 
and the scarcity of teachers was ever5rwhere evident, as has 
already been pointed out. This is certainly not a proof of 
his incumbency; it indicates a probability. Keith was 
employed from 1689^^ to 1691;" Thomas Makin from the 



isp. C. S. M., I, 237. 
^^Ibid., 245. ^'>Ibid., 116. 

2iSee Yearly Meetings' Advices, 250. 
22Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7 — 7 — 1692, 54; 9-20 — 1693, 56. 
2*2 Pa. Arch. XIX, 248. 
2*Bean, 680. 

^^There is found no record of his removal by letter, though he may 
have done so without, which, however, was not according to practice. 
26Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5—26—1689, 154. 
^Jbid., 3 — 29 — 1691, 146. 



The extent 
of the system 
not great 



The tenure 
of masters 



Cases cited 
of B. Clift 
J. Taylor 



G. Keith, 
Makin and 
others 



208 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Tentire of 
mistresses 

Songhurst 



Burchall 



latter date, intermittently, until his death, 1733;^^ Pastorius 
from the latter part of 1697 or the first part of 16982^ to 
1700;^" Robert Willian probably from 1748^^ to 1753;^^ 
Seaton from 1751^^ to 1763,^* and Robert Proud, not con- 
tinuously however, from 1759^^ to 1770^^ and again mas- 
ter in 1784.^'' These were taken at random. The longest 
period of service, doubtless, must be credited to Anthony 
Benezet who first taught in Philadelphia in 1742^^ and con- 
tinued there with very brief intermissions until his death in 
1784.39 

These are only a few cases and the majority of them in the 
city where it was possible to employ the best, pay them better, 
and hence, keep them longer. Hence, too much weight must 
not be given to the facts above stated as proving a long term 
of service was common. If a study of a number of cases in 
cotmtry districts were possible, the results would probably be 
very different. 

It is difficult to get information about the length of service 
of the mistresses. When first mentioned in Philadelphia 
records^" they are spoken of as so many nonentities, their 
names not given. The term of service of Olive Songhurst, the 
first mistress whoSe name is mentioned,*^ we cannot deter- 
mine. The women teachers seem quite frequently to have 
begun work under the OA^erseers without much notice and to 
have left off with little more. There are, however, a few 
cases where we know that the term of service was of 
considerable length. Rebeckah Burchall seems to have 
taught continuously at one school from 1755^ to 1761.^^ 



"^^Weekly Mercury, Nov. 29, 1733. 
29Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11— 28— 1697, 227. 
^°IUd., I — 29—1700, 254. 
"P. C. S. M., I, 64. 
^^Ibid., loi. 
^^Ibid., 90. 
^*Ibid., 266. 
^^Ibid., 175. 
^^Ibid., 334. 

"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 30 — 1784, 123. 
38P. C. S. M., I, 33. 

'''Simpson's Lives of Eminent Philadelphians, 53. 
Mtg., I — 30 — 1784, 128. 
*''Ibid., I — 31 — 1699, 244. 
*^Ibid., I — 27 — 1702, 326. 
«P. C. S. M., I, 126. ^Ibid., 221. 



Min. Phila. Mo. 



Masters and Mistresses 



209 



Whether she discontinued service on leaving that school is 
not known. Ann Thornton was probably not continued in 
service more than two years. She began in 1755 when she 
filled Anthony Benezet's** place and left in lysy.'*^ In the 
meantime, it had been necessary for the board to draw up a 
set of special rules for the government of her school,^^ from 
the nature of which it is probable that she did not take 
another school under their direction. 

From none of the sources of information does it appear that 
there was any license system whatsoever. The recommenda- 
tion of well-known Friends was the best pass a teacher could 
have, as was instanced by those sent over by John Fothergill. 
In addition to the personal recommendation, the certificate 
of removal from his home meeting was an assurance to 
Friends in other parts that an individual was "clear" of all 
entangling alliances and might be received into full member- 
ship. In no case where a teacher came to teach, from a dis- 
tance, did he fail to take and produce a certificate on his 
arrival. These, of course, did not certify the things which 
modem licenses do, but they, in conjunction with the per- 
sonal recommendation as to ability, seem to have answered 
the purpose. 

The term for which a teacher was hired was in most cases a 
year for trial, which was renewed again at the year's end, if 
satisfactory to both parties. Mention has been made of 
Benjamin Clift of Darby,^^ Keith, Makin, Cadwalader, 
WiUian, Proud, and many others. Som_e were taken for a 
trial of six months,*^ and there were cases in which the board 
reserved the right to discharge the individual on three 
months' notice.*^ The board desired, and in some cases 
requested, that the employee should give six months' notice 
before his resignation should take place. Such notice was 
customary in 1755.^° Two instances have come under the 
writer's attention, in which a contract was made for three 



«P. C. S. M., 1, 130. 

"^Ibid., 161. 

^mid., 158. 

*'Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7- 

48P.C.S.M.,I, 133. 

*^Ibid., 274. 

^^Ibid., 131. 



Thornton 



Her success 
questionable 



No system 
of license 
found 



Recommen- 
dation and 
certificate of 
removal; 
their use 



The term of 
employment 
usually a 
year 



-7—1692, 54. 



2IO 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



No written 

contract 

found 



Teachers' 

salaries; 

tabulated 



years. King (son of Joseph King) was employed in 1754 for 
the three years subsequent thereto at £40, £50 and £60 for 
the years respectively.^^ Mr. King resigned regardless of 
the contract, after six months' notice, because the school did 
not agree with his health or inclination.^^ The other case was 
that of Keith who was to be employed for one year at £50 and 
for two years more at £120 each, if he should desire to stay.®* 
In neither of the two cases does there appear to have been any 
instrument in writing. 

The salaries and rates received by many of the teachers 
have been mentioned in several pages previous to this. For 
convenience for reference there is presented without discus- 
sion a table showing the pay received by various masters at 
the times their respective services were rendered.* One case, 
neither so prosaic to us, nor so profitable to the master, defies 
tabulation, so it is given verbatim. 

iSth Day of X br 1735. 
Reced of Richard Buffington, Junior 18 s per Hatt, 4s 6d by stockings, 
17s 6d In money — In all forty Shillings; Being in full for a yeare 
Scholeing, I say Reced per 











me JoH Morse t. 


Name 


Year 


per Q 


per year (Reference) 


Flower, E. 


1683 


4/ 6/ or 8/ or 


£ 


10 


Col.Rec.,1, 13. 


Keith, G. 


1689 


(following) 




50 


Ph., 5—26—1689. 


Makin 


1697 






40J 
40) 


Ph.,i— 128— 1697, 


Pastorius 


1697 








Cadwalader 


1700 


for a half year 


trial 


20 


Ph., I — 28 — 1700. 


Cadwalader 


1702 






50 


Ph., I — ^27 — 1702, 


Every, J. 


1702 


Usher 




30 


Ph., 4 — 26 — 1702, 


Benezet, A. 


1742 






50 


P.C.S.M.,1,33. 


WiUian, R. 


1749 






150 


lUd., 73. 


Wilson, J. 


1750 


Usher 




60 


Ihid., 84. 


Seaton, A. 


1751 


(allowed) 




20 


lUd., 90. 


Wilson, J. 


1753 






70 


Ibid., loi. 


Johnson, Wm. 


1753 


(allowed) 




. 10 


Ihid., 106. 


Benezet 


1754 






80 


Ibid., 117. 



"P. C. S. M., I., 123. 

^^Ibid., 131. 

6%Iin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5—26—1689. 

*In the references at the right hand margin of the table "Ph" refers to 
Minutes of Philadelphia Monthly Meeting for the date given; Darby 
refers to Minutes of Darby Monthly Meeting. 

tFuthey and Cope, 308. 



Masters and Mistresses 



211 



King 


1754 


(proposed in a con- 














tract) 


40 
50 
60 


Ibid. 


122 




Thornton, Ann 


1755 




20 


Ibid., 


130 




Johnson, Wm. 


1755 


(assistant) 


40 


Ibid. 


131 




Thompson, Chas, 


1755 




150 


Ibid., 


133 




Johnson, Wm. 


1756 (raised 20 to keep him) 60 


Ibid. 


141 




Fentham, Jos, 


1756 




85 


Ibid. 


144 




Patterson, M. 


1761 




70 


Ibid. 


235 




Thompson, J. 


1770 




200 


Ibid., 


341 




Proud, Robert 


1759 




150 


IMd., 


175 




Proud, Robert 


1784 




250 


Ph.,] 


[—30—1784. 


His usher 






80 


Ibid. 






Todd, J. 


1784 (for entrance 














15/ and 20/) 




Ibid. 










(for poor sent by 














Board 10/) 




Ibid. 






Weaver, I. 


1784 


30/ 


30 


Ibid. 






Brown, Wm. 


1784 


(whole days) 30/) 




'. Ibid. 










half days) 15/ 












(children) 15/ 














(sent by board) icy 


/ 








Lancaster, Sarah 


1784- 


(sent by board) half 
(sent by board half 


■ Ibid. 










. day) 7/6 


J 








Harry, Mary- 




(children) 15/ 




Ibid. 






Clark, Joseph 




(older girls 30/) 




Ibid. 






Mrs. Clarke 




15/ 




Ibid. 






Marsh, Ann 




20/ 




Ibid. 






McDonnell, Mary 


1784 


15/ 




Ibid. 






Clift, B. 


1693 


£ 


[2 


Darby, 


9—20—1693 


Underwood, Elihu 


1773 


(Credit for school 

keeping) 2/2/0/ 

by 2 raccoon skins 

0/4/0/ 
By netting a pan- 
stockings 0/2/6/5' 


of 








Meccum, Eliza 


1798 


(Negro School) 


50 


Ph., 2- 


-25- 


-1798 


Pickering, Elisha 


1798 


(Negro School) 


[50 


Ibid. 






Benezet, A. 


1794 


(Negro School) ] 


20 


Ibid. 






Britt, Daniel 


1793 


(Negro School) 1 


[00 


Ibid., ] 


—25—1793 


Dougherty, Sarah 


1793 


(Negro School) 


50 


Ibid. 







5*From an old account book in possession of Albert Cook Myers, 
Moylan, Pa. 



212 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Pay of 
Friends' 
masters simi- 
lar to that of 
other private 
masters 



The charge 
for poor 
childrea less 



Countr}' 
masters ill 
paid 



Mistresses 
to be first 
considered 



As stated elsewhere in this work, the amounts received by- 
masters and mistresses in the Friends' school meastire about 
the same as those stated for other private masters in the city 
at the same time. In the table above, the seeming increase 
from £50 per year in 1689 to £250 per year paid Robert Proud 
in 1784, and the slender salaries of the women as compared 
with those of the men, are worthy of attention.^^ Though all 
of the teachers in the Negro School had had long experience, 
their salaries did not equal that of Classical School teachers; 
but they did keep pace with those in the English School. The 
price paid for yotmg children was usually low, about one-half 
that paid for older ones in the same subjects. Children sent 
by the board were received at a less charge, or perhaps free of 
charge if that body had already made arrangement to that 
effect. The contrast between the salary received by the 
country masters Clift (Darby) and Underwood (Warrington) 
is very interesting. Such salaries were doubtless effective in 
causing unrest and a floating teacher population, against 
which the yearly meeting frequently remonstrated, and 
earnestly sought to correct. 

In the pages following, brief attention will be given to 
several of the Quaker teachers who have come to the attention 
of the writer diuing the course of this study. Many of them 
have been mentioned in other parts of it, reference to whom 
is to be found in the index. Though the women were given 
more scanty attention in the records and seem to have filled a 
less prominent place in the schools, we may gallantly, 3^et 
illogically, give them first attention here. In another light, 



^^Dewey, D. R., Financial History of the U. S., 39. 

The reader is reminded of the fact that because of greatly depreciated 
currency the amounts paid, as shown in the above table, did not repre- 
sent so much absolute increase. That some exact idea of the extent of 
depreciation of the continental currenc^^ may be gained, there is given 
the following table for the year 1779, when the depreciation became 
most marked. 

Jan. 14, 1779 8 to I June 4,1779 20 to I 

Feb. 3 10 to I Sept. 17 24toi 

Apr. 2 17 to I Oct. 14 30 to I 

May 5 24 to I No.v 17 38>^toi 

The fact of such depreciation was not officially recognized by Congress 
until March 18, 1780, it being then provided that paper be accepted for 
silver at a ratio of 40 to i. 



Masters and Mistresses 



213 



it may not seem illogical. Women were leaders in the 
Quaker meetings and were privileged to speak, a favor not 
granted elsewhere. In the early yearly meeting recommen- 
dations they urged good mistresses be chosen as well as good 
masters.^^ Women were also recognized by London Grove 
Monthly Meeting in 1795, when a committee of women 
Friends were appointed to meet with a like committee of men 
to consider the question of schools.^^ 

As before stated, mistresses in Philadelphia were 
mentioned by the monthly meeting as early as 1699,^^ 
but we are not informed who they were. The first, Olive 
Songhurst, whose name is given, was employed for some 
time about 1702,^^ and if we may judge her service by 
a raise of salary granted in that year, it seems to have 
been acceptable to the meeting. After Olive Songhurst 
a long period of time passes in which the writer has found no 
mistress named in the minutes, though mistresses are 
frequently m_entioned. It is not, therefore, to be assumed 
that this list is complete either in the case of masters or mis- 
tresses ; those who are mentioned may prove of some interest 
or service to other students. 

Ann Thornton was mentioned as being employed by the 
board in 1755, when it was proposed that she might take 
Anthony Benezet's place in a Girls' School, which he had 
entered the year before. It is not very probable that she 
was a,n inexperienced teacher at the time, since the board was 
usually careful to place strong and proven teachers in its best 
schools. She was to receive no more than thirty scholars and 
had to promise to look after them in meeting, which seem- 
ingly unpleasant task she hesitated to take.^" It is the 
writer's opinion, based on the fact that the board was forced 
to make a list of rules especially for her school,^^ and the tenor 
of her dismissal when Benezet was again available, and that 
she does not appear to have been employed again by the board, 



^^See page 20. 

"Min. London Grove Mtg., 3 — ^4 — 1795, 62. 

^^Ibid., 31 — 1699, 244. 

^Ubid., I — 31 — -1699, 244. 

^^Ibid., I — ^27 — 1702, 326. 

fiop. C. S. M., I, 130. 

^^Ibid., 158. 



Olive 
Songhurst 



Ann Thorn- 
ton in Girls' 
School, 1755 



214 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Burchall 
employed at 
same time; 
duties 



Several 
other mis- 
tresses 
named, 
many in 
charge of 
poor 
children 



that her work in the school and agreement with the board 
were not satisfactory. 

Rebeckah Burchall, employed near the same time as 
Ann Thornton, was engaged in teaching poor children.^^ 
It was also stipulated that she guard the girls in meet- 
ings, especially her pupils.®^ So in 1755, had we entered 
the quiet Friend's meeting we would have no doubt seen the 
two prim Quaker ladies just mentioned sitting in silent and 
upright watchfulness amid their youthful charges. Gentle- 
men were not immune from such duties. 

Widow Mellor is mentioned in 1755 as keeping a small 
school,^* which probably was quite similar to the one kept b}^ 
Debby Godfrey, a poor woman to whom the board decided to 
send some poor children to learn to read and write.^^ The 
minute reads as though it was a condescension, and very 
likely it was a form of charity on their part. Jane Loftu, 
likewise, (1761) taught thirty-two poor children, her charge 
made to the board for the service being £32.^® Ann Redman 
seems to have been a teacher of more than ordinary merit. 
She is first noted as a teacher at the Fairhill School, at which 
place she was visited by members of the Public School Board, 
who seem to have been so well impressed with her as a teacher 
that she was immediately asked to come into the school just 
vacated by Rebekah Burchall. Her employment was teach- 
ing reading, writing, and plain sewing.^'' Mary Wily, a 
teacher employed by the board in 1762, received very little 
attention. A question is raised concerning her, however, b}^ 
an objection made by the board to her account presented for 
certain schooling.^* It was settled amicably it seems. Ann 
Pat tison, first mentioned as being employed in 1763,^^ is doubt-, 
less the same as the Patterson later employed in 1766.'^'' She 
was employed in teaching poor children, yiory Gosnold, 
Rebecca Seaton, and Mary Moss are mentioned in 1764 as 
teachers of poor children. '^ Rebecca Seaton does not appear 
in the ranks of teachers (at least on Friends' records) till after 



62P. C. S. M., I., 126. 
^Ibid., 130. 
^Ihid., 128. 
^Ibid., 145. 
^Ibid., 216. 



^Ibid., 221. 
^^Ibid., 239. 
^Hbid., 266. 
T>Ibid., 288. 
''^Ibid., 276, 277, 279. 



Masters and Mistresses 



215 



the death of Alexander Seaton, her husband. It seems quite 
evident that the mistresses were assigned, more especially, to 
the keeping of school for the poor, though it was by no means 
limited to them. Sarah Mott was also a teacher for poor 
children.'^ 

Hannah Cathall, we feel certain, must have been a teacher 
of considerable merit. She began her service at least as early 
as 1765'^ and in 1779 was still in that employment, being at 
that date engaged in a school with Rebecca Jones, for in- 
structing girls in reading, writing, "and other branches suit- 
able to them."'* They also received poor girls sent by the 
overseers. Other mistresses employed by the board in 1779 
were Sarah Lancaster, teaching the rudiments to young 
children of both sexes (sewing especially for girls), Essex 
Flower in a school similar to Lancaster's, and Ann Rakestraw 
who had charge of a reading and spelling school.''^ Sarah 
Lancaster still continued in the schools' service in 1784, hav- 
ing in attendance sixty-four scholars, part of whom attended 
only half days. The other mistresses mentioned at that time 
were Mary Harry, teaching a school for children, Mrs. 
Clarke, teaching bo3''S and girls, reading and sewing for the 
girls; Ann Marsh in a school similar to that of Mrs. Clarke's, 
and Mary McDonnell, who taught fifteen young children, 
what studies we do not know.'® The committee's report for 
that date shows that nearly one-half or perhaps more of the 
children attending the schools of the Friends' masters and 
mistresses were children of the members of other denomina- 
tions. In aLm.ost every case the teachers were Friends, or, as 
they termed it, "people of friendly persuasions." 

Mistresses devoted their abilities also to the instruction of 
the Negro children. Sarah Dougherty was for a time (about 
1790) employed in the Negro School, but for some reason, 
unexplained, Elizabeth Meccum was employed in her stead." 
Elizabeth Meccum remained in that capacity till the time of 



^2P. C. S. M., I., 309. 
■'Ubid., 288. 

'*Mm. Phila. Mo. Mtg. 7 — 30 — 1779, 151. 

''^Ihid. (An extract of the report to the monthly meeting is given on 
page 71 ff., chapter on Philadelphia, showing the state of schools in 1784.) 
''^Ibid., I — 30 — 1784, 123 ff. 
''Ubid., I— 25— 1793, 184. 



Subjects of 

instruction; 

reading, 

writing, 

sewing, 

spelling, 

and other 

"suitable 

subjects for 

girls" 



Other 
denomina- 
tions in 
Friends 
schools 



Mistresses 
in the Negro 
School 



2i6 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Teachers 
rated by the 
frequency 
with which 
they are 
mentioned 
by well recog- 
nized writers 



Individual 

notice to be 
very brief 



Anthony 
Benezet 



her death, v^^hich occurred between 1795 and 1798.'^ Joseph 
Foulke, in a letter concerning his schooling at Gwynedd 
Meeting, mentions Hannah Lukens v^ho kept a "family 
school" and also Hannah Foulke, ^^ both of whom were mem- 
bers of Gwynedd, but further information of them the writer 
does not have. 

If one were to measure American Quaker schoolmasters as 
some American men of science have been measured, by the 
amount of space they have gained in literature, they would 
not stand out very strikingly. Of fifty-five male teachers in 
and around Philadelphia, but twenty-one of them are men- 
tioned in five standard works on local history and genealogy. 
None of the fifty-five teachers receive mention in all five of 
the works; three of them are chronicled in four; seven are 
mentioned in three of the five; ten are spoken of in two, 
twenty-one are given a place in one; and thirty-four receive 
no notice. If rated according to such a scheme, Partorius, 
Benezet, and Charles Thompson would head the list, while 
quite a num.ber group themselves at the other end of it. The 
scheme, though it has not been carried out fully, for example 
no attempt has been m.ade to measure the length of the 
notice, does seem to favor those who stood high at the time 
of their service.^'' 

In the brief notices following, concerning the male teachers, 
it is not intended to write biographies. Some of them have 
already been written, and to them the reader is directed, if he 
or she wishes a full account of the man's life. Others will 
not, cannot, ever be written for obvious reasons. In the 
space allotted to them here, there is set down only what has 
been found of interest concerning them as teachers. 

In 5642 Anthony Benezet came from Gennantown where 
he had been engaged in a school, ^^ to be employed by the 
Board of Overseers of Philadelphia. He was employed at a 
salary of £50 to teach aritlimetic, writing, accounts, and 



"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2 — 23 — 1798, 149. 

''Quoted in Jenkins' liisl. Collections oj Gwynedd, 396-7. 

8°The works from which the notices were taken: Watson, Annals of 
Philadelphia; Simpson, Lives of Eminent Philadelphians; Jordan, 
Colonial Families of Philadelphia; Oberholtzer, Philadelphia City and 
Its People; W. Thompson, History of Philadelphia. 

^•Vaux, Memoirs, p. 7; also Keyser, Old Germantown, I, 79. 



Masters and Mistresses 



217 



French. ^2 fje appears to have given very satisfactory service 
and to have remained in the same position until 1754 when 
he was placed in charge of the Girls School, under the Board's 
direction.^ Some students have been under the impression 
that the Girls School was entirely independent and a private 
venture;^ but this could not have been true, for the Board 
named the subjects he should teach and specified that he 
receive at the school "no more than thirty scholars. "^^ The 
school was, however, the result of Benezet's proposal. 

Not only was he kindly to the pupils as a teacher, ^^ but he was 
a father to the poor lads whenever he could help them in any 
way. In 1754 Samuel Boulds was bound to him, so that he 
might look after his schooling, and he' further requested the 
Board to care for the same, if he should die or leave the 
school before the lad was grown up.^^ His health not being 
good, he requested leave from his school during the summer 
of 1 7 54. ^^ Apparently his health did not improve sufficiently 
and he did not return to the school till 1757, taking the place 
of Ann Thornton. ^^ Another instance of his philanthropy 
came to light in his request (1762) that certain of the children 
of the poor French neutrals be allowed to go to the Public 
School which was granted only upon his certification of those 
he felt sure would attend regularly.^" Shortly thereafter on 
account of ill health, he was again forced to leave the Girls 
School, which he did until 1767, when he returned to resume 
his work again. ^^ It was no difficulty for him to start a 
school. The suggestion was made to the Board in one month, 
and in the following he was teaching the school, and made his 
regular report at their meeting. 

From the information the writer has assembled, it appears 
that he continued with the White school, after his return in 
1767, until 1782, when at his request he was accepted by the 



82P. C. S. M., I, 33. 
^^Ibid., 117. 
^^Oberholtzer, I, 233. 
85p. C. S. M., I, 117. 
^^Vaux, Memoirs, p. 8 
8^P. C. S. M., I, 114. 
^Ubid., 115. 
^Ubid., 161. 
^"Ibid., 244. 
^^Ibid., 311. 



Given charge 
of Girls 
School 



Attitude as 
a teacher 



Aids 

children of 
French 
neutrals 



Enters the 
Negro School 
in 1782 



2i8 Early Qtiaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Jonathan 
Binns 



Alexander 
BuUer; one 
of few who 
advertised 
for pupils 



WilHam 

Brown, 

Daniel 

Britt, 

Pickering 

and Mears 

John 
Cadwalader 



committee to take charge of the Negro School. ^^ He had 
throughout his life written eloquently in defense of freedom's 
cause, ^^ and the origin of the Negro School, in 1770, was per- 
haps due to him more than to any other man in the Friends' 
meeting. 

Jonathan Binns was to have taken charge of the Public 
School in 1734, if his health improved, but no report being 
made by him it is inferred he did not perform such service.^* 
Alexander BuUer was employed in 1738 to teach writing, 
mathematics, and the Latin tongue. Three years later he 
ran an advertisement in the Pennsylvania Gazette, as follows : 

Writing, Arithmetic, Merchants' Accounts, Navigation, Algebra, and 
other parts of the mathematics are taught by Alexander Buller, at the 
Public School in Strawberry Alley. He proposes to keep a night school 
for the winter and begins on the 23d instant when constant attendance 
shall be given. November 5, 1741.* 

William Brown was teaching girls reading, writing, arith- 
metic and language in 1784.^^ Daniel Britt interested him- 
self in the instruction of Negroes in whose school he was 
employed from about 1790^^ to 1796 or 1797.^^ He was 
succeeded by Elisha Pickering who probably taught till 1799, 
being followed by Benjamin Mears. ^^ 

John Cadwalader cam.e to Philadelphia in 1699^^ and the 
year following was recommended by Griffith Owen as a man 
"fit for an assistant in the school. "^"^ He was accordingly 



92Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5— 31— 1782, 28. 

"^For list of his works, see Hildebiirn or Smith. 

94P. C. S. M., I, 21. 

*Pa. Gaz., No. 673, 1741. 

(Advertising for pupils in newspapers was not the usual rule among 
Quaker masters in early Pennsylvania, though some cases occvjred. 
345 advertisements from 1730 to 1790 have been noted in various 
newspapers of the period. Of a Hst of seventy Quakers who are known 
to have taught school, only 1 5 were found in the list of advertisers. The 
papers examined were the Weekly Mercury, Pennsylvania Gazette, 
Freeman's Journal, Evening Post, Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly 
Advertiser, Pa. Packet, and the Pa. Chronicle; also the Courrier Francois 
(which is not mentioned in the bibliography). 

s^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 30—1784, 123. 

^^Ibid., I — 25 — 1793, 184. 



^Ubid., 2 — 23 — 1798, 149. 
^»Ibid., II— 28— 1800, 300. 
9»Oberholtzer, I, 181. 
•""Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i- 



-29 — 1700, 254. 



Masters and Mistresses 



219 



employed, it being decided that he and Thomas Makin, who 
had entered the school as usher to Keith, should compete with 
each other to show the best results. From the records one 
cannot determine just when he left the school, though he 
stated, in 1702,^"^ that he intended to do so. It seems likely, 
from a minute of 1703, that he must have taught longer than 
he intended when making the above statements.^^^ Thomas 
Makin, with whom he was associated, was employed at 
various times until his death in 1733.'^'*^ He is credited with 
being "a good Latinist,"^"^ and was the author of a Latin 
poem in which he celebrated Pennsylvania. George Keith, 
Scotchman, kindly recommended him for the mastership in 
1691, when he (Keith) decided to leave.^"^ Keith had come 
to the school as first master when the school was set up in 
1689. He is stated, by writers of history, to have been of 
disputatious disposition, and this probably accounted for the 
dissatisfaction which arose in the school. Soon after leaving 
the school he published in connection with Talbot a critical 
article, "Means of Quaker Stability, "^"^ in which is evident the 
rancor toward the society, which he had previously concealed. 
Concerning Benjamin Clift, schoolmaster at Darby, no 
additional information has been found, beyond that given in 
the minutes of the monthly m.eeting. Joseph Clarke was a 
teacher of a girls' school in 1784,^°^ which was attended by 
about thirty girls. William Dickinson was first employed 
(1764) to take the place of Moses Patterson,* as usher to 
John Todd in the Latin School. ^°^ The Board seems to have 
taken exception to him, though nothing has been intimated 
elsewhere as to his character, for they reserved the right to 
discharge him on three months' notice, if they desired. 
Such reservations were not general. 



loiMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2 — 24 — 1702, 329. 

^"^Ibid., 6 — 27 — 1703, 376. 

103 j_m. Wk. Mercury, Nov. 29, 1733. 

lo^Watson I, 287. 

"^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3 — 29 — 1691, 146. 

1°^ Collections of the Protestant Episcopal Historical Soc, 1851, Vol. I, 
XIX to XX. 

io''Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1—30— 1784, 123 ff. 

*Moses Patterson was the first teacher in the Negro School. Phila. 
Mo. Mtg. Min., 6 — 29 — 1799, 398. 

i«8p. C. S. M., I, 274. 



Thomas 
Makin 



George 

Keith; 
dissatis- 
faction with 
him 



Clift 
Clarke 



Dickinson 



2 20 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Patterson 



Masters in 
Latin School 
after 1748; 
Willian 



Wilson and 
King 



Latin 
School 
tries to 
obtain 
services of 
Jackson 



Thompson 

engaged, 

however 



Moses Patterson, had begun his teaching career in 1760 
when he undertook to teach a school at Fairhill Meeting. ^"^ 
He then was made usher to Alexander Seaton in which posi- 
tion he remained till 1764."" He desired then to qtiit as 
usher, and apparently did; he is next heard of in 1765 as 
teacher of "poor children.""^ 

Robert Willian was employed in 1748, having been brought 
from England, to teach Latin, Greek and other leaming.^^^ 
His first term of employment was for one year, as was the 
Board's general custom in hiring teachers, but it seems that 
his contract was renewed until 1753, at which time his place 
was taken by John Wilson. ^^^ Wilson had entered the school's 
employ as usher in 1750, but was, in addition to that, granted 
permission to teach an evening school. ^^* It is not known 
how long he remained as master, but in 1754 there was a 
proposition to allow J. King to go into the Latin School, ^^^ 
and it is likely he took Wilson's place. King, however, as 
stated elsewhere, did not remain there more than a year, 
because of ill health and inclination. ^^^ Wi'son is later 
mentioned in connection with the Latin school (1769); how 
much of the time, between 1754 and 1769 he had spent in the 
Latin School it is impossible to say. 

When King (1755) announced his intention to resign at the 
end of six months, the Board attempted to procure Paul 
Jackson, who at the time was instructor at the Academy."' 
Jackson was well qualified for the place and, besides his work 
at the Academy, had prepared lectures in "experimental 
philosophy" which he proposed to give for the " entertainment 
of the curious.""^ He did not find himself free at this time 
to remove from the employ of the trustees of that institution, 
but Charles Thompson, who had been employed there as 
usher was engaged for the Friends' School."^ It seems that 
the logical man for the place would have been William 



lo^P. C. S. M., I, 208. "'P. C. S. M., I, loi. 

^^^Ibid., 272. ^^*Ibid., 84. 

^^Ubid., 288. ^^Hbid., 122. 

"2Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 6-26-1748, 64. 

^^Hbid., 131. 

^^'Ibid., 133. 

^^^Pa. Gaz., No. 1403, 1755. 

""P.C.S.M., I, 133- 



Masters and Mistresses 



221 



Johnson, who first taught a school at FairhilP^" (i753) and 
attended Latin School, free of charge, to prepare him to be an 
usher (1754). ^^^ The headship was not offered him, however, 
but a year later his salary for the assistantship was raised £20 
to keep him from going to Burlington. ^^^ We find that 
Charles Thompson (from the Academy) remained in the 
Friends' School until 1760, when he decided to leave the 
business of school keeping for another. ^^^ His first training 
in Latin, Greek, and mathematics was gained in Alison's 
Seminary. After leaving the Friends' School he was inter- 
ested in political life and became secretary of the Revolution- 
ary Congress in 1775.^^^ 

When Thompson indicated his desire to leave the Latin 
School, the Board took steps to secure a master from England. 
A letter was sent to J. Fothergill and John Hunt who recom- 
mended Robert Proud as a very likely candidate. ^^^ This 
recommendation was favorably considered and Proud accord- 
ingly came to Philadelphia. He immediately chose W. W. 
Fentham as his usher, whom, he stated, the Board might 
remove if they did not find him satisfactory. ^^^ It appears 
that Proud remained master from this time until 1770, when 
he announced his resignation. ^^^ He was again in the employ 
of the Latin School in 1784, having an usher to assist him in 
instructing the thirty boys who are stated to have been in 
attendance on that date.^^^ How long this period of service 
continued the writer has not determined. The reader has 
already been introduced to Proud's school by means of the 
rules he constructed for it, which were presented on a previous 
page. His reverence for learning and his attempt to inculcate 
that respect for it in the minds of his pupils is perhaps best 
indicated by these lines: 

"To learning ever be inclined; 
With good instruction store thy mind, 
For without learning, living here 
Like Death and Darkness doth appear."" 



120P.C.S.M.,I, 106. 121/Wd., 122. 122/^,^^. 


, 131. 


^^Ubid., 141. 124/Wd., 


, 188. 


i25Simpson, 912-13. i^sp. C. 


S. M., I, 175. 


^^Ubid., 234. ^^mid., 


334- 


i^siMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1—30— 1784, 123. 




isoRobert Proud Ms. Col., No. 20, 27. 





His training 
and later 
interests 



Robert 
Proud 
recom- 
mended for 
master 



Time of his 



222 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



John 

Thompson 
recom- 
mended 



Masters of 
the English 
School: 
Seaton 



John Todd, 
a teacher 
for many 
years 



When Proud left the Latin school in 1770, Friends again 
had recourse to the English supply house, receiving from 
thence John Thompson, eldest son of Jonah Thompson, who 
had previously taught in Philadelphia. ^^^ John Thompson 
entered the school on twelfth month, fifth, 1770 and remained 
in that position at least until 1779. At that date he had 
twenty-four boys in charge, to whom he taught Latin and 
Greek, with occasionally some writing and arithmetic. ^^^ 

An interesting student's commentary on the "Hon. John 
Thompson" is furnished by the following extract from the 
publications of the Public School Gazeteer, 1777. 

On Thursday last in the afternoon the Hon. John Thompson, Esq., 
dismissed the school long before the usual time. This (we hope) is a 
prelude to the restoration of our rights.* 

One of the most worthy masters to be noted in the EngUsh 
School, near the middle of the century, was Alexander Seaton. 
In 175 1 he desired to start a school in the upper part of the 
city, which was to be under the care of the Board. In this 
school, which was accordingly set up, were taught writing, 
arithmetic, and mathematics. ^^^ He was thus employed 
until 1754 when, as above stated, Benezet desiring to set up a 
girls' school, he was requested to take Benezet's place in the 
English School. ^^^ At various dates he was assisted by Moses 
Patterson, Phineas Jenkins,^^^ and George Smith. ^^^ In 1763, 
when he died, his place was filled by John Todd.^^^ 

Todd remained many years in Friends' School. In 1779 
he is reported by the overseers as having 60 boys of various 
religious denominations, to whom was taught reading, English 
writing, arithmetic and some branches of mathematics. ^^^ 
A like condition prevailed in his school five years later, with 
the exception that the number of boys had increased to 88. 
The committee report states that the "master is careful to 
preserve good order in his school. "^^^ This agrees, but is a 



"iWatson, I, 282. 

"2Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7 — 30 — 1779, 151. 

*The Public School Gazeteer, iJTJ, in Norris Ms. Collections, H. S. P. 

"3?. C. S. M., I, 90. 

^"^Ibid., 117. 

^^■'Ibid., 198. 

"^Ibid., 199. 

^^Ubid., 266. »38Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7—30—1779, 151. 

^^^Ibid., I — 30 — 1784, 123 f. 



Masters and Mistresses 



223 



much less picturesque statement of the case than is por- 
trayed by Watson. ^^° He is pictured as immoderately strict 
and as taking diabolic satisfaction in every opportimity to 
use the strap. Watson closes his description with the state- 
ment that "it was not that his love of learning was at fault, 
so much as the old British system of introducing learning and 
discipline into the brains of bo^^s and soldiers by dint of 
pimishment."^^^ 

A number of other almost imknown masters who taught in 
and around Philadelphia may be briefly mentioned. William 
Waring is stated by Watson to have taught astronomy and 
mathematics in the Friends' School at the same time with 
Jeremiah Paul.^^^ Associated with the school, at the same 
time with Paul, Todd, and Waring, was Jimmy McCue, who 
performed the services of usher.^^ Yerkes, mentioned as 
having been in a single school, is mentioned by the monthl}^ 
meeting reports as though it were under the direction of 
Friends. When so reported (1779) he was teaching not more 
than 50 scholars (all Friends). The subjects of instruction 
were reading, writing, English, arithmetic, and some branches 
of mathematics.^^ No further information of Isaac Weaver 
has been obtained than is given on page 260. 

Leonard Snowdon was reported to have arrived from 
London about 1737 to take charge of a school, but no further 
particulars are found concerning him.^^^ In 1757 William 
Thome was reported as teaching poor children."^ He is one 
of the ver}'- few masters who taught in the Friends' Schools, 
who advertised in the newspapers for pupils ; such advertise- 
ment was possibly after he discontinued his services for the 
Board. ^*' The advertisement does, however, serve to give 
us more information as to his qualifications, than we could 
otherwise obtain. He was engaged at the time (1766) in con- 
ducting a writing, arithmetic, mathematics and merchants' 
accounts school in Vidal's Allev.^^^ At another time he 



Severity of 
his discipline 



Waring, J. 
Paxil, and 
Yerkes men- 
tioned 



Snowdon 
Thome 



Subjects 
taught by 
Thome 



""Watson, I, 290 f 
^*^Ibid., 292. 
^^^Ibid., 290. 
^^Ihid., 291. 
i«Min. Phila 



"5p.C.S.M.,I,24. 
^^Hhid., 165. 

i«Pa. Gaz., No. 195 1, 1766. 
Mo. Mtg., 7 — 30 — 1779, 151. 



224 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Sitch, 
Pemberton, 
Richards, 
Every and 
others 



Early school- 
masters at 
Byberry 



Character of 
Moor tin- 
satisfactory 
to Friends 



advertised to teach writing, arithmetic, geometry, trigonome- 
try, navigation, mensuration, sttrveying, guaging, and 
accounts.^*^ John Sitch (1758) is mentioned as receiving 
some of the scholars from William Johnson's school.^^" 
Joseph Pemberton was encouraged by the Board to start a 
school in 1758. Its location, as everything else concerning 
it, is very indefinite, being "in the upper part of town."^^^ 
Other masters mentioned by various authors, and to 
whom reference has been made before, but whose history is 
almost unknown, are Rowland Richards, John Every, Marma- 
duke Pardo, John Walby, William Coggins, Benjamin 
Albertson, Hugh Foulke, John Chamberlain, Christian Dull, 
Daniel Price, Samuel Jones, and Samuel Evans. ^^^ 

Of Richard Brockden, who taught at Byberry about 
1710 or 1711,^^^ and later (about 1722)^^ for a short 
time in Philadelphia, very little is known. The minute just 
referred to, however, leaves the impression that Friends were 
very willing for him to leave the school, but, on his request, 
allowed him to remain. Walter Moor, a schoolmaster at 
Byberry (about 1753) leaves no record as a master, but we are 
certain his character was not satisfactory to Friends. In 1 753 
they complained of his drinking to excess and removing from 
place to place without giving notice of it.^^^ An instance of 
this sort, though not entirely out of keeping with custom 
in those days, was severely criticised at all times in the 
meetings. This is the only explicit case of drunkenness, on 
the part of teachers who were employed by Friends, which has 
come to the writer's attention. The frequent mention of 
reproof of members for that offense, in the earl}^ years of the 
century, however, would lead one to believe that such great 
success in eliminating it from those in the teaching profession 
was scarcely possible. However that may be, no case has 
been found (in newspaper reports, where the names were 



^^'>Pa. Gaz., No. 1865, 1764. 
isop. C. S. M., I, 164. 
^^Uhid., 173. 

i^^The last eight mentioned are named as teachers in Gwynedd neigh- 
borhood school, by Joseph FouUce. (Jenkins, 396-7.) 
i^Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 4 — 25— 171 1, 73. 
"■•Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2 — 27 — 1722, 83. 
"^Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 10 — 29 — 1753, iii. 



Masters and Mistresses 



225 



mentioned) in which any Quaker master engaged in dis- 
reputable brawling was lodged in jail, which was noted on the 
part of several other private masters of Philadelphia. ^^^ 
This latter source of information is perhaps more reliable 
than the meeting records. 

Among Quaker schoolmasters, who have been mentioned 
frequently, is Christopher Taylor. He was educated in 
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and, in 1695,^^^ published a com- 
pendium of the three languages. He was a teacher at 
Waltham Abbey School, ^^* and, coming to Philadelphia in 
1682, established a school on Tinicum Island, of which very 
little authentic information is to be had. William Under- 
wood was a teacher at Warington about 1740.^^^ Elihu 
Underwood has already been mentioned on several occasions 
as the most extraordinary m.aster of Warington, having exe- 
cuted an attractive copy of arithmetic exercises from an old 
English arithmetics^" Others, only to be mentioned, were: 
D. B. Ayres, Richland Meeting, 1793 1^^^ Christopher Smith, 
Byberry, 1784;^^^ Bryan Fitzpatrick, Horsham, 1784;^^' 
Joseph Kirk, 1793,^^^ and Isaac Carver, at or near Horsham, 
j^g^.165 Thomas Pearson at Maiden Creek (Exeter Monthly 
Meeting), 1784;^®® Benjamin Parks and wife, at Reading, 
1784;^" and Caleb Johnson at Reading, 1787.^^^ An 
unknown master of Bucks County is mentioned by General 
John Lacey in his memoirs, as he comments on his early 
educational opportunities. He, himself, was a member of a 
family of Friends. 



^^Pa. Gaz., No. 2371, 1774. 7W(f.,No.2i47, 1770. Ibid., No. 2118, 
1769. Ihid., No. 1821, 1763. 

i^'Wickersham, 26. 

^^Ubid., 27. 

i69Prowell, I, 539. 

^^^Ibid., 541 

"^Name found in the account book for the Jonathan Walton Fund 
used for that meeting, p. i. (Deposited at Friends Meeting House in 
Quaker town, Pa.) 

i^^Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 4 — 28 — 1784. 

^^Hbid. 

i^Min. Horsham Sch. Com., i — 11 — 1793. 

"^Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 4 — 28 — 1784. 

"«Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 4—28—1784, 5iof. 

^^Ubid. 

^^^Ibid., 10 — 31 — 1787, 60 f. 



No extreme 
cases of law- 
lessness 
among 
Quaker 
masters 



Taylor 



Underwood 



Teachers 
previously- 
mentioned 



2 26 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Standards 



Whence 

came 

teachers? 



Tentire 



No license 
system 

Contracts 



I was early sent to school, such as it was. The master himself could 
neither read or write correctly, as he knew nothing of Grammar, it was 
not to be expected he could teach it to others. Grammar was never 
taught in any school I went to — ^no book of this kind, or the remote 
rudiments of it was — ^that I remember — talked of at any of the country 
schools I was acquainted with. None but Quaker families resided in the 
neighborhood where I was brought up, among whom the Bible and 
Testament and Dilworth's spelling-book were the only books suffered to 
be used in the Quaker schools from which circumstances no one will 
hesitate to acknowledge the extreme limited education and acquirements 
of literal knowledge by youth so circumscribed.^^^ 

Such were the cotmtry schools, if judged by his writing as a 
fair sample. 

SUMMARY 

The primary requirements for masters and mistresses, as 
determined by the yearly meeting, were (i) high morality, 
(2) membership with Friends, and (3) competency to teach 
the subjects for which employed. These standards were 
consciously striven for, as indicated by their reports on the 
subject. 

As a rule, the teachers selected for the lower schools were 
native to the place, though there were exceptions. A large 
number of the Latin masters, however, were secured through 
Friends in England. To supply the lack of teachers, in 
Philadelphia at any rate, recourse was occasionally had to 
the apprenticeship system, as instanced by the cases of 
Eldridge, and James Dickinson. 

The yearly assembly recommended better accommodations 
for teachers, that they might be more easily retained in the 
same position. The cases mentioned indicate a ver}- good 
length of tenure; Clift, two years; Taylor, perhaps five; 
Keith, about two; Makin, intermittently for about forty; 
and many others, similarly. These figures are undoubtedly 
not representative, the majority being taken from the city. 
Personal recommendation and certificates of removal served 
some of the puriDOses of the teacher license system. The con- 
tract was verbal only, so far as evidence appears and the term 
of it usually for one j^ear. 



^^^Pa. Mag. Hist., XXV, 3. 



Masters and Mistresses 



227 



Attention is called to the seeming great increase in salaries 
during the century, and great variation in the amounts paid 
at any one time, especially between those of country and cicy 
masters. The salaries of women appear to have been very 
meager as compared with those of the men. No appreciable 
difference is found between the salaries or rates of Quaker 
masters and those of private masters in the city at the same 
time. Rates charged for poor children, schooled by the 
Board, were less than those fixed for others. 

A few mistresses in the schools are mentioned. For the 
most part, the length of their service is not known. A large 
proportion of them were engaged in teaching poor children, 
though not limited to that. A lar^e proportion, over half of 
the poor children taught by them, were members of various 
denominations. Their service was not limited to the schools 
for Whites, some being employed in the Negro School, near 
the end of the century. 

Brief attention is given individual masters. As rated by 
the frequency of their mention in five standard authorities, 
Pastorius, Benezet, and Thompson lead the list; it is not 
believed that this meas-ure is adequate, however. Concern- 
ing the qualifications of the masters, we find that all degrees 
of ability and training were represented. Pastorius may be 
taken as a type of the classically trained master of the Latin 
School. The other extreme might be represented by several 
of the ill-paid country masters. John Lacey describes such 
a master and his school in his memoirs. 

One definite case of drunkenness on the part of a master 
has come to light. Though not probable that the record is so 
clear, it does appear that excessive outlawries were not com- 
mitted. The chief sources studied on this point were the 
newspapers of the period and minutes of various Quaker 
meetings. 



Salaries 



Women 
teachers 
considered 



Masters 
Rank 



Character 



CHAPTER XI 
EDUCATION OF NEGROES AND INDIANS 



Negroes 
early in 
Pennsyl- 
vania 



1639 



1664 



Gradual 
abolition by 
law of 1780 



EARLIEST TRACES OF THE NEGRO IN PENNSYLVANIA 

To the reader of the history of Pennsylvania, the statement 
that the colony was established in 1681 by William Penn 
seems sufficient reason for thinking that was the first settle- 
ment. But there were other people already established there 
and among them were to be found Negroes, as is very readily 
ascertained from the records. The people who occupied the 
territory along the Delaware, later to be called Pennsylvania, 
before its charter as a colony was granted, were chiefly 
Swedes, English, and Dutch, who had crossed over the river 
from the neighboring colonies.^ 

Negroes were not numerous. There remains rather scant 
evidence of their presence in any considerable number, but 
authentic record of certain instances. It is found, for exam- 
ple, that as early as 1639 a convict was sentenced to South 
River, as the Delaware was then called, to serve out his time 
with the Negroes.^ This is the earliest record found; though 
frequent mention is made of them after this date. In 1664, 
the West India Company agreed to furnish about fifty 
Negroes to work in the lowlands on the Delaware River.^ 
This is the earliest explicit record that is found of trafficking 
in Negroes in Pennsylvania. The slave trade, thus begun 
by the Dutch Company, was continued, now rising, now 
falling, till the final abolition of slavery in 1780.^ The law of 
1780, which provided for a gradual abolition, was subjected 
to such frequent evasion that in 1788 it became necessary to 



^Proud, Hist, of Pa., I, 233 and logi. (see Ms. description of the 
province of Pennsylvania written by William Penn relating to the first 
settlement written 1682. A copy in Logan Ms. Collections, Vol. i. 

^2Pa. Archives, XVI, 234. 

'Hazard, Annals of Pa., 331. N. Y. Col. Doc. II, 213-14. 

*Col. Rec, XII, 99. 

(228) 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



229 



pass another for its clarification and enforcement.^ By the 
middle of the seventeenth century, the importation of slaves 
had become a part of the regular work of the merchants of 
Philadelphia, with the exception of a few conscientious 
Quakers who refused to profit thereby. Records of the end 
of the century indicate that the number of Negroes had by 
that time become very considerable, though no exact figures 
are obtainable.^ 

But it is not to be assimied that because the slave trade 
began thus early and continued to grow, it did so without 
meeting any opposition. In fact it is probably due to a few 
years of opposition by various factors, which are here only 
mentioned briefly, that the slave trade did not become as 
prodigious in Pennsylvania as in other states, and that she 
was the first to pass an abolition law against it.'' Chief 
among the factors which opposed the increase of Negro 
serfdom were these: (i) the conscientious scruples of 
Friends in reference to the traffic;^ (2) the objection on the 
part of the German inhabitants (partially as Quakers, but 
not entirely);^ and, (3) the dissatisfaction caused among 
White laborers by the enforced competition of the Negroes.^" 

As a result of this opposition to the importation of slaves, 
there was enacted various legislation restricting it, although 
there was at the same time an urgent demand on the part of 
some for slave labor. One of the first attempts on the part of 
the Colonial Assembly to restrict slave traffic was the act of 
1700, imposing the maximimi duty of 20 shillings per head 
imported, which amount was in 1705 increased to 40 shil- 
lings.i^ Not entirely satisfied with this stroke, the Assembly 
attempted (17 12) practically to prohibit importation by 
placing a levy of £20 per head, but this act was at once 
repealed by the crown.^^ However great may have been the 



Opposing 
factors 



Restrictive 
legislation 
1700, 1705, 
1712 



^Laws of Pa., Ill, 269-272; 3 Pa. Archives, XVIII, 303-430. 
^Ms. Ancient Rec. oj Phila., July 28, 1702. 
^Turner, The Negro in Pa., 79. 
^London Yr. Mtg., Epistles, 1772, 394. 
9j Pa. ylrcMz^e^, XVIII, 303-430. 
1 "Turner, The Negro in Pa. 
^^Stat. at Large of Pa., II, 107, 285. 

12M5. Bd. of Trade Papers, Proprieties, IX, Q, 39, 42 ; Stat, at Large 
of Pa. II, 543-4. 



230 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Slack 

demand for 
slaves 
indicated 



The trade 
formed by 
certain 
classes: (i) 
traders, (2) 
manufac- 
turers 



Trade 
accelerated 



failure in legislation, it seems that the feeling against impor- 
tation was qtiite marked and, for that reason, the number 
imported fell considerably. If the statement of a merchant, 
Jonathan Dickinson, may be taken as indicative, we may 
judge that it was the slack demand that brought about a 
decrease in importation. He says, writing to Jamaica, April, 
1715, 

I must entreat you to send me no more Negroes for sale, for our people 
don't care to buy. They are generally against any coming into the 
country.i^ 

However strongly the general public was opposed to the 
slave importation, it was nevertheless possible for the inter- 
ests of the few to dominate. First, there was the desire on 
the part of the trading company for the rich profits derived, 
and the crown was loath to fail to safeguard the company in 
its demands ; this service it performed by regularly repealing 
the obnoxious legislation, which was enacted and favored by 
the majority of the citizens represented in the Assembly. ^^ 
Second, certain influential classes of citizens, for example, the 
iron masters, wished for the continuance of importation 
because of the advantage accruing to them through the 
competition between Whites and slave labor. This is 
instanced in 1727 by a petition on their part for the removal 
of the duty because of the scarcity of available Whites. ^^ 

This conflict between the ideals of different classes, com- 
plicated by the economic problem of labor, continued to be 
fought out chiefly in words, and legislation, until by the 
middle of the eighteenth century it is estimated, by some 
historians of Pennsylvania, that importation had nearly 
ceased.^^ The period following 1750, however, saw importa- 
tion again positively accelerated, due to the greater security 
in the possession of Negro slaves compared with that of the 
White serv^ants. Passing over the crest of this wave of 
increase, we find a rapid decline in importation and sale of 
Negroes during the years immediately preceding the Ameri- 



"Watson, Annals of Phila., II, 264. 

"M5. Bd. of Trade Papers, Proprieties, IX, Q, 39, 42; Stat, at Large 

of Pa. U, 543-4- 

^^ Votes and Proceedings, 1 726-1 742, 31. 

i^Smith, Hist, of Del. Co., 261; Kaln, Travels, I, 391. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



231 



can Revolution; but even after the Revolution, fought for 
the principles of freedom, independence and equality, there 
occur not infrequent instances of the traffic in human flesh 
and blood.^^ These cases form the exception rather than the 
rule, however, and in 1780 there was secured the law for 
gradual prohibition, to which reference has already been 
made.^^ 

The condition of the slaves in Pennsylvania was in many 
respects better than in other states; especially is this true 
if they are compared with those in the South, who were 
employed mostly in plantation work. Their clothing, if we 
may judge by the descriptions which usually accompanied the 
advertisement of runaways, was usually good and very 
striking in its variety, as witnesses the following description.* 

Three hundred dollars reward. Runaway from the subscriber on the 
evening of August 14, 1779. 20th of June, lost, a negro man named Dan 
about 24 or 25 years of age; 5 feet, 5 or 6 inches; something pitted with 
the smallpox; his dress when he went off is uncertain, as he took sundry 
clothes with him, amongst which are two coats, a light faggothy, and a 
brown jerkin with yellow buttons, three jackets, light blue, brown, and 
striped linen, a pair of new buckskin breeches, several pairs of old 
striped and two pairs of tow trousers, three pairs of stockings, three good 
shirts, and a round hat. Said negro is this country bom, and talks the 
English and German languages; is fond of playing the fiddle, and is 
naturally left-handed, and what is very remarkable, he bows with the 
left hand when performing on the violin.^^ 

Socially they were less restricted and did not suffer the 
sharp separation from the Whites that was characteristic of 
the South. They were not on an equality, that was not 
to be expected, but they enjoyed considerable freedom 
among themselves,^'' and the various religious societies were, 
at least to a considerable degree, interested in their spiritual 
welfare. We find, at any rate, no considerable opposition to 
their advancement as was present in Virginia, even at a much 
later date.^^ The Moravians, as before stated, were usually 



Decline in 
the trade 
about 
Revolution 



Slaves: how 
circum- 
stanced in 
Pennsyl- 
vania 



Fewer social 
restrictions 



"Po. Gaz. and Wk. Advt., 1779, No. 2580. 
^^Col. Rec, XII, 99. 

*The quality of the clothing on their backs does not necessarily mean 
they enjoyed a good location. It was in many cases stolen goods. 
^^Pa. Gaz., No. 2568, 1779. 
'^''Watson, Annals, 1, 406. 
2iHeatwole, Hist, of Ed. in Va., 299. 



232 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Care for 
their religious 
welfare 



Work of 
Whitefield 



Missionary- 
work for 
Negroes not 
limited to 
Quakers 



Opposed to holding slaves, and where they were held, they 
were on a basis of religious equality. ^^ The Lutherans were 
likewise tolerant, but it is to the credit of the EpiscopaUans 
that most is due. Negroes were baptized in their church and 
then instructed in religion by a minister provided for that 
purpose.^^ Not only were the established congregations 
favorable to the aid of the Negro, but many itinerant minis- 
ters were desirous of educating him. 

There is one outstanding instance of the latter which 
may serve as an illustration. It is that of Reverend 
Whitefield, who took up five thousand acres of land on 
the forks of the Delaware in Pennsylvania, where the 
hoped to erect a Negro school. The movement was 
given wide publicity and subscriptions were asked for 
its support.^* In the papers which advertise the begin- 
ning of the project, there is found no statement as to the 
successful outcome of it; the whole scheme seems to have 
melted away as easily as it had arisen. The scheme of 
Whitefield, was equalled, and perhaps even excelled, by a 
much earlier proposal, 1722, which was made anonymously 
through the coltimns of the Mercury}^ The service was to be 
rendered to the servants of any religious denomination, and 
without any expense to them whatsoever. It was chiefly 
desired that the Negroes might be taught to read the Scrip- 
tures.^^ 

If justice were to be done to the various attempts on the 
part of itinerant ministers and the regularly established 
churches to aid in bringing enlightenment to the Negroes in 
Pennsylvania, it would require volumes. Such mention as has 
been made is for the ptupose of pointing out the universality 
of the missionary spirit, so that it may not be understood that 
that the entire work was carried on under the direction of 
Friends, to whose activities much more space must necessarily 
be given in this work. In the pages following it will be 
attempted to outline as definitely as possible, from the avail- 



22Pa. Mag. of Hist., XXIX, 363. 

2'Rmith, H. W., Life of W. Smith, I, 238. 

'^^Pa. Gaz., 1740, 624; Am. Wk. Mer., 1740, No. 1097. 

2Mw. Wk. Mer., 1722-3, IV, 16. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



233 



able records, what was actually accomplished by the organi- 
zation of Friends towards Negro education. 



QUAKER LEADERS AND THE NEGRO PROBLEM 

However auspicious may have been the opportimity for 
attempts to plant slavery on the soil of Pennsylvania, it was 
neither destined to meet unqualified success nor to pass with- 
out rigorous opposition. The German population from the 
very outset, as we have already stated, was hostile to the idea 
of slavery.^'' Likewise, the Quakers were dominated by men 
who believed that slavery had no justification, and through- 
out their lives were actuated by this belief. Brief mention 
may be made of three of these leaders, sufficient at least to 
indicate their viewpoint and the remedy which they advo- 
cated. 

George Fox, their revered founder, was quite naturally 
referred to in matters of importance and far reaching conse- 
quence. Through the influence of his ministry, the doctrine 
of the freedom of all men and of inherent rights, which they 
possessed by virtue of being men, came to be accepted in the 
church organization, and was published in the discipline and 
various letters of that body.^^ These acts of the chtirch 
organization will be dealt with presently. Fox defends his 
position mainly on the religious basis ; it is quite likely that a 
religious training and education is uppermost in his mind 
throughout his plea for the Negro. He does not limit himself 
to their case, but insists, also, on the education of the Indian 
natives. The education (religious) which he specifically 
mentions, is for the purpose of their salvation, but the atten- 
tion of Quakers was not limited to that alone. Religious 
education did, however, receive their first consideration. 
The essence of Fox's influential utterances on this subject is 
contained in the following extract. 

And, also, you must instruct and teach your Indians and Negroes, and 
all others, how that Christ, by the grace of God, tasted death for every 
man and gave himself a ransom for all men to be testified in due time; 



^Pa. Archives, XVIII, 303-430. Ibid., XXI, 165-324. Ihid., XVII, 
489-685. 

28Christian Doc. Prac. and Dis. Relig. See. of Friends, 1727, 122, 
(published 1861). Ibid., extract of 1758. 



Slavery's 
opponents 



George Fox 



Pleads for 
education of 
Negro and 
Indian 



234 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



John 

Woolman 



His sermons, 
tracts, etc. 



Woolman on 
slave holding 



and is the propitiation not only for the sins of Christians, but for the sins 
of the whole world; and that He doth enlighten every man that cometh 
into the world, with His true light, which is the life in Christ by Whom 
the world was made.^^ 

From among the Quaker exponents of the freedom of all 
men, we can scarcely select one of greater influence than John 
Woolman. He was bom in 1720,3° and thus grew up to man- 
hood in a period when the opposition to slavery on the part of 
Friends was on the increase, and lived through its zenith, 
after which slavery among Pennsylvania Friends scarcely 
existed.^^ He was well educated. The greater part of his 
life was spent travelling as a minister from place to place, 
now working among the Indians^^ and again visiting meetings 
in the interest of the freedom of the Negro.^^ His journeys 
throughout the colonies served to keep the individual meet- 
ings awake to the problem before them, and the firm con- 
viction of the man won no less number of supporters than the 
eloquence of his appeal. The influence of Woolman did not, 
however, limit itself to the channels of his sermons; in 1754 
appeared one of his best expressions on the traffic, entitled 
Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. Nothing was 
permitted to stand in the light of his conviction as to the 
right; he refused to continue his practice of writing wills in 
all cases where the disposition of slaves was involved.^^ 

But it is impossible to give in this limited space an adequate 
resume of the work of this great spokesman of freedom. A 
brief representative statement from his works, added to what 
has already been said, is perhaps the most satisfactory treat- 
ment that can be given. 

Many slaves on this continent are oppressed, and their cries have 
reached the ears of the most High. Such are the purity and certainty 
of His judgments, that He can not be partial in our favor. In infinite 
love and goodness He hath opened our understandings from one time to 
another concerning our duty to this people; and it is not a time for 
delay. Should we now be sensible of what He requires of us, and 
through respect to the interest of some persons, or through a regard to 
some friendships which do not stand on an immutable foundation, 
neglect to do our duty in firmness and constancy, still waiting for some 



^^Friends' Lib., I, 79. 
'"Woolman's Works, 15. 
'^Turner, Negro in Pa., 67. 



'^Woolman's Works, 156-7. 
^Ubid., 78. 
"7Wd., 44. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



235 



extraordinary means to bring about their deliverance, it may be by 
terrible things in righteousness, God may answer us in this matter.^^ 

Man is born to labor, and experience abundantly sheweth that it is 
for our good; but where the powerful lay the burden on the inferior, 
without affording a Christian education, and suitable opportunity for 
improving the mind, and a treatment that we in their case should 
approve, that themselves may live at ease and fare sumptuously, and 
lay up riches for their posterity, this seems to contradict the design of 
Providence and, I doubt not, is sometimes the effect of a perverted mind; 
for while the life of one is made grievous by the rigor of another, it 
entails misery to both.^^ 

While speaking of the Ufe and work of the two above men- 
tioned Quaker reformers, one other person seems to call 
imperatively for attention. His work was equally wide- 
spread and the public was kept open to his influence through 
several of his books and pamphlets published on the subject 
of slaves and slaveholding.^' A French Hugenot by birth, 
Anthony Benezet came early to America, where he was a 
staunch member of Friends, and in whose society he per- 
formed a continuous service for the freedom and education of 
the Negroes, until the time of his death in 1784.^^ His 
immediate connection with the Negro School, established by 
Friends in 1770^^ will be considered more fully elsewhere. 
The arguments advanced by him against slavery are based on 
the grounds of practicality and justice. The system is 
injurious to the slave and the master, and inconsistent with 
the ideals of a free com.munity. We, ourselves, must agree 
with him in his position as set forth in the following selection. 

The bondage we have imposed on the Africans is absolutely repugnant 
to Justice. It is highly inconsistent with civil policy: First, as it tends 
to suppress all improvements in arts and sciences, without which it is 
morally impossible that any nation should be happy or powerful. 
Secondly, as it may deprave the minds of the free men, steeling their 
hearts against the laudable feelings of virtue and humanity. And lastly, 
as it endangers the community by the destructive effects of civil 
commotions; need I to add to these what every heart, which 
is not callous to all tender feelings) will readily suggest — ^that it is 
shocking to humanity, violative of generous sentiment, abhorrent utterly 



'^Wooknan's Works, 96-7. 

^^Ibid., 244. 

^''Most significant works are given in the bibliography. 

'^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1—30— 1784, 128. 

^^Ibid., 6 — 29 — 1770, 398. 



Anthony 

Benezet; his 

influence 

through 

books, 

pamphlets, 

etc. 



Extract from 
Benezet 



236 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



George 
Keith and 
other 

antagonists 
of slavery 



from the Christian religion; for as Montesquieu very justly observes, 
"We must suppose them not to be men, or a suspicion would follow that 
we ourselves are not Christians." There can not be a more dangerous 
maxim than that necessity is a plea for injustice. For who shall fix the 
degree of this necessity? What villian so atrocious who may not urge 
this excuse; or, as Milton has happily expressed it, — "and with necessity, 
the tyrants plea, excuse his devilish deed"?*" 

Besides the three representatives mentioned, there were a 
host of others, many of them still earlier but perhaps none 
who exercised so great an influence. Among those worthy of 
mention were George Keith, a dissenter among Quakers, but 
one of the earliest teachers in Philadelphia, and a very ardent 
antagonist of slavery. Others, whose zeal outran their dis- 
cretion, such as Ralph Sandiford, Benjamin Lay,* and 
William Southeby, might be profitably discussed here, but 
lack of space eliminates their consideration. Still other 
itinerant ministers, Banks, Pennington, and Chalkley, though 
not so precipitous in their actions as the three above named, 
were none the less worthy spokesmen of the cause. 



Study of the 
meeting 
records 
referring to 
Negro edu- 
cation 



The meeting 
organization 
against 
slave traffic 



THE CHURCH ORGANIZATION AND THE NEGRO QUESTION 

Under this head it is intended to present, (i) the activity 
of the society as an organization, and (2) the establishment of 
Negro education in the various meetings where any record of 
it remains. In doing so, let the reader keep in mind the 
principles set forth previously by the three representatives 
who have been mentioned as leaders in the cause of Negro 
education and liberation. 

As is quite naturally expected, after this brief introduction 
to the belief of the Quaker leaders, we find that the society 
placed itself as a unit opposed to the perpetuation of bondage 
among the Blacks. Friends were astonished to find, when 
they arrived, that slavery existed in Penn's colony, and as 
early as 1688 those settled at Germantown entered a memor- 
able protest against it.'*^ Five years later George Keith, a 



■"•Benezet, A Short Account of the People Called Quakers, 81-2. 

*Vaux, Memoirs of Lay and Sandiford. 

''^Pa. Mag. of Hist., XIII, 265; Old Germantown, Lippincott's Mag., 
Feb., 1884, 118 ff., containing an account of the protest; Phila. Quar- 
terly Meeting would not take action, it being considered too weighty a 
question (Min. Phila. Q. Mtg., 4 — 4 — 1688, 136.) 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



237 



Quaker who a few years later came into disfavor with the 
society, entered a vigorous denunciation of the practice of 
holding slaves.^ The general tenor of these protests is 
against perpetual bondage, their idea being that since it 
already existed, there should be a time limit set at the expira- 
tion of which all those held should become free. 

It would have been possible for individual protests and 
those of smaller meetings to have gone on indefinitely and 
still have accomplished but little in the way of influencing 
others. Similar expressions from a central organization, 
speaking with some semblance of authority, could have 
accomplished much more, and did so, though not till some 
years later. The advices issued by the yearly meeting were 
usually in the nature of reproof, scarcely or never mandatory. 
One of the earliest was drawn up at the yearly meeting in 
1727 and sent to the meetings subject thereto. 

It is the sense of this meeting that the importation of negroes from 
their native country and relations by Friends, is not a commendable or 
allowable practice, and is therefore censured by this meeting.*^ 

It is diflficult to understand how any communication of this 
nature could have force in a situation that seemed to 
demand something in the way of command. But when it is 
recalled with what persistence such advices were given, and 
again repeated in the appropriate meetings, and that they 
were received by the monthly and preparative meetings very 
much as dutiful children would listen to the advice of father 
or mother, then the influence exerted by them does not seem 
so strange. 

Moreover, there is ample evidence in the reports of various 
meetings at all times that the advices of the yearly meeting 
were being followed with considerable success. Philadelphia 
reported (1756) that they knew of no Friends who had been 
concerned in importing Negroes or other slaves.^^ By 1772 
the yearly meeting reported by way of letter that, due to the 
discoiuragement of the practice of slaveholding on the part of 
Friends in the colonies, it had greatly diminished in some 



Germantown 
memorial 
against it 



Yearly 
Meeting 
regarding 
slave trade 



Reports 
made to 
yearly 

meeting con- 
cerning 
slaves 



^Pa. Mag. of Hist., 266, 268. 

^^Christian Doc. Prac. and Discipline, 1727, pub. 1861, 122. 

^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 30—1756, 215. 



238 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Warning of 
1758 against 
being con- 
cerned with 
slaves 



Freedom 
had to come 
before their 
education 



Local meet- 
ings per- 
sistent in 
their investi- 
gation of 
slave condi- 
tions 



parts, and in others disappeared almost altogether, as was 
true in the case of Pennsylvania.^ For the sake of more 
complete illustration of the type of expression issued, the 
following is quoted more at length. 

We fervently warn all in profession with us that they be careful to 
avoid being in any way concerned in reaping the unrighteous profits 
arising from the iniquitous practice of dealing in Negroes and other 
slaves; whereby in the original purchase one man selleth another, as he 
doth the beast that perisheth, without any better pretension to a prop- 
erty in him than that of superior force; in direct violation of the gospel 
rule, which teaches all to do as they would be done by and to do good to 
all; being the reverse of that covetous disposition, which furnishes 
encouragement to those poor ignorant people to perpetuate their savage 
wars, in order to supply the demands of this unnatural traffic, whereby 
great numbers of mankind, free by nature, are subjected to inextricable 
bondage; and which hath often been observed to fill their possessors 
with haughtiness, tyranny, luxury, and barbarity, corrupting the minds 
and debasing the morals of their children, to the unspeakable prejudice 
of religion and virtue, and the exclusion of that holy spirit of universal 
love, meekness, and charity, which is the unchangeable nature, and the 
glory of true Christianity. 1758.^^ 

The reader will have noticed that the chief emphasis is 
placed upon the wrongfulness of bartering slaves; this may 
be explained by saying that that was the first problem they 
had to face. Not until they were able to secure the Negroes' 
freedom could an education be of much value to him, for all 
that he made of his life belonged to his master. But as soon 
as he became free, there arose other needs, other desires. 
New prospects opened before him, and there was a possibility 
that he might accomplish something for himself and his 
posterity. This was realized by the church organization and 
it followed the move for freedom by emphatic requests that 
the meetings take care of the spiritual and intellectual educa- 
tion of the negroes. The following will illustrate very clearly 
the insistence with which the local church investigated the 
activity of its members, and the penalty levied on the dis- 
obedient one. In 1759, it was reported that .... had 
purchased several Negroes ; this being a breach of discipline, 
two members were appointed to speak with him on the sub- 
ject, according to their custom. The final report on his case 

••^Epistles London Yr. Mtg., 1772, 394. 

^^Christian Doc. Prac. and Discipline, 1758, pub. 1861, 122. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



239 



was made in 1762. They may be praised for longsuffering 
and condemned for inefficiency. 

. . , . appeared at this meeting and after much weighty advice 
given him in that affair, it is left for him weightily to consider whether he 
can not find freedom to bring up such of his negroes as are young in 
useful learning, endeavoring to instruct them in the principles of Chris- 
tianity, and at a proper age, if they desire it, to set them free, and if 
otherwise, that he can not have the tmity of Friends,*^ 

Instances similar to this one are almost without number; 
reference is made to a few of them only.^^ The work of each 
of the particular meetings is more completely brought out in 
the following pages. 

Of all meetings in the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, there 
were none which accomplished more for the education of the 
Negro than did Philadelphia Monthly. As has already been 
noted elsewhere in this work, there was quite early a con- 
siderable interest manifested by the meeting in regard to the 
question of servitude, and also the masters' care in giving 
them Christian instruction.*^ There is no record to show 
that at these early dates there was any permanent school; 
all care was, without question, left to those who had Negroes 
in their employ, education being tutorial entirely. The 
master's care was well guarded by the meeting's committee 
on Negroes, however, and in this way a central responsible 
party was provided. In addition, there was also established 
a meeting which was held once each three months in the 
interest of Negroes.^" 

In 1770 there came to the front a definite movement for the 
establishment of a systematic means of educating Negro 
children. The proposal for its consideration, made first month, 
26th, was referred to the meeting in second month for action.^^ 

^^Extracts Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 6 — 1762, 107. 

*8Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 30 — 1756,215; Concord Mo. Mtg., 6 — 9 — 
1779, 86; Horsham Sch. Com, 8 — 17 — 1792; ChesterMo. Mtg., 10 — 25 — 
1779.31; XJwchlanMo.Mtg.,9 — 9 — 1779, 65f.; Sadsbury, 7 — 17 — 1782, 
340. 

"Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4 — 30 — 1756, 215 and i — 25 — 1765, 7. 

^°Ibid., 7. 

^^Ibid., I — 26 — 1770,371; (Proud in his Ms. History of Philadelphia 
gives Benezet the whole credit of establishing the Negro school. There 
were two branches, one for boys and one for girls, taught by different 
tutors. He says the successful outcome of this school of Benezet's was 
the incentive which caused the Abolition Society to establish others.) 
See Proud's Ms. History, p. 64. H. S. P. 



No early 

school 

recorded 



Meetings for 
Negroes 



240 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Committee 
appointed 
on Negroes 



Digest of 

committee's 

report 



On that occasion, there being expressed a definite sentiment 
in favor of action, a committee was appointed consisting of 
twenty-two members with permission for any other Friends 
to attend its deHberations who cared to do so.^^ The date for 
the committee meeting was set by the monthly meeting. 
At the subsequent monthly meeting, the committee made its 
first report, which being acceptable to all was approved, and 
further steps were taken to secure immediate action. A 
digest of the report and proposals of the committee is here 
presented.^^ 

1. The instruction of Negro and mulatto children in read- 
ing, , writing, arithmetic, and other useful learning — sewing 
and knitting, according to their capacity, is to be provided. 

2. The instruction is to be under the care of Friends. 

3. The monthly meeting to nominate a committee of 
Friends, whose duties are: 



h. 



c. 



e. 



h. 



To employ a suitable master or mistress for not 

more than thirty children at once. 
To have the charge of admitting pupils to the 

school. 
A subscription of £100 a year for three years to be 

promoted. 
To employ another master or mistress if necessary 

and funds adequate. 
To visit the school at least once a month, and to 

observe the improvement and conduct of the 

pupils. 
Rules to be prepared for teachers and pupils ; pro- 
vision for attendance at religious services at least 

on Sunday. 
The committee to appoint a treasurer from its 

number who is to make payments upon an order 

signed by at least four of them. 
Four members are sufficient ntimber to transact 

business; in difficulties, they are advised to 

consult the monthly meeting. 



^^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2 — 23 — 1770, 376. 
^Ubid., 3—30—1770. 379- 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



241 



i. To keep a record of proceedings, receipts, and 
expenditures, and make a report to the meeting 
once a year or more. 

4. The children of free Negroes and mulattoes are to be 
given preferment. 

5. Tuition to be free of any expense to the parents. 

6. If enrolhnent of such children is not large enough, the 
committee may admit others according to their judgment. 

Acting upon the recommendations incorporated in the 
report, a subscription paper was at once prepared, and the 
campaign for funds began. ^* A committee of the following 
named Friends was appointed to assume the direction of the 
school agreeable to the articles of the report, viz.; Israel 
Pemberton, Samuel Emlen, James Pemberton, Richard 
Blackham, John Drinker, Hugh Forbes, and Edward Jones. ^^ 
Their term of service was stated as "until a new nomination 
be made by this meeting" and any vacancy occurring in the 
meantime was to be filled in the same way.^^ Only three 
months later (sixth month) the committee of seven reported 
they had agreed with Moses Patterson as teacher, hired a 
house, and that a number of children were already admitted 
for instruction.^'' In first month of the following year the com- 
mittee requested permission to erect a school for the use of 
the Blacks, on the same lot occupied by the almshouse. 
The request was at once granted. ^^ 

Though it was originally stated that the committee should 
report once a year to the monthly meeting, there was by no 
means a full report recorded in the minutes each year. They 
are adequate enough, however, to furnish some idea of the 
progress made with the school. 

The details of a few reports will be presented. It appears 
from the records that the committee's reports were always 
made the basis of judgment as to whether the meeting would 
continue the school or abandon it.^^ Fortunately, the reports 
were usually favorable, excepting in matters of financial 
consideration; in this respect there was quite often a short- 



^^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3 — 30 — 1770, 379. 



Subscrip- 
tions for j 
school^solic- 
ited 



Moses 
Patterson in 
the Negro 
school 



Full yearly 
reports not 
made 



Reports 
taken as a 
measure of 
the school's 
success 



^UMd., 
^Ubid. 



6-29-1770, 398. 
2-28-1777, 438- 



^^Ihid., 1-25-1771, 430. 
^^Ihid., 1-25-1771, 430. 



242 



Early Quaker Edtication in Pennsylvania 



John 

Houghton 

and 

Anthony 

Benezet 



Financially 
the school 
was no suc- 
cess 



Payments in 

depreciated 

money 



age.^" In the report of the first twelve years there is little 
that deserves repetition. The school continued regularly, 
according to statements made at intervals, and all things 
seemed to convince Friends that it was worthy of their sup- 
port. Let us note the condition of the school at the end of 
twelve years, 1782. 

For the five years preceding the instruction had been under 
the care of John Houghton, who, unfortunately, had to retire 
because of failing health. ^^ His place was taken two months 
later by Anthony Benezet, a teacher of great merit, and one 
who perhaps had the welfare of the Negro more at heart than 
any other man in the colony.^^ At his suggestion, the school 
was removed from the house erected for that purpose and 
established in his own home. Great tribute was paid to the 
character of the work done by Houghton, with special refer- 
ence to his painstaking visiting of families, seeking thus to 
increase the interest of parents, and ultimately the school 
attendance. It is stated that during the five years he was 
employed, two hundred and fifty children and grown persons 
had entered the school.®^ The chief value derived, according 
to the committee's view, was the increased appreciation 
aroused among the Whites for the Blacks. They were forced 
to realize that the Negro had talents which might be 
developed as their own, giving him an insight into greater 
possibilities which were not beyond his reach. 

The report on the financial status was not so hopeful. The 
fees for the master, for the 3^ears 1779, 1780, and 1781 were 
eight}^ ninety, and one hundred pounds respectively; in 
addition, there was the expense of odd jobs of work, wood for 
winter use, and also the item of books.^ To increase 
the difficulties arising from mere items of expense, there was 
introduced another factor, the payment to the treasurer of 
paper money which had greatly depreciated in value since it 
was subscribed.* The result of the experiment, up to date, 
financially, was a deficit of £74/7/10. A part of this amount 
was covered by outstanding subscriptions, a considerable 



fioMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg. 5— 31— 1782, 28; 1—25- 
1770, 379- 
^'Ibid. ^Ubid. ^Ubid. 

*Dewey, p. 39. 



-1793, 184; 3—30— 
^Ibid. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



243 



number of which could not be coUected.^^ The meeting was 
appealed to, to make up the deficit as usual by subscription. 
This method, though commonly resorted to, was in most 
places supplemented by special legacies left to trustees for 
any purpose the donor might designate.^^ Legacies for 
schools were particularly urged by the quarterly and yearly 
meetings. 

In 1784 there seems to have been but one school for the 
Blacks, the one taught by Benezet. The report stated that 
there was a decided need for another one in the near future; 
in 1786 it appears by answers to the queries that the school 
has been added and that both are supported by the voluntary 
contributions of Friends.^'' The attendance problem was 
evidently not yet solved satisfactorily; it would perplex a 
teacher to-day. About one htindred were under the instruc- 
tion of Benezet in 1784, but only fifteen to thirty-five gener- 
ally attended.^^ The progress of this ntimber in reading, 
writing, and arithmetic was deemed satisfactory, though it was 
admitted it might be improved with more regular attendance. 

The salary paid Benezet at this time was £100 plus the £20 
which was allowed as the rent for his dwelling, which he con- 
tinued to use as a school house. 

From 1786 two schools continued. In 1790 the incumbent , 
of the master's position was Daniel Britt ; the mistress of the 
other was Sarah Dougherty. The latter served only to sixth 
month, 1790, at which time she was replaced by Elizabeth 
Meccum who later became the wife of Daniel Britt.^^ Though 
there was a very large enrollment at this time, the actual 
attendance was between eighteen and thirty in each of the 
schools.'"' The instruction continued as above stated and 
was recognized on the whole as satisfactory, its only failiire 
being due to irregular attendance, occasioned by illiberal 
masters, who detained the Negroes in their service. The 
master's salary for the year, £100, was double that paid to the 



Legacies 
and sub- 
scriptions 
used for 
support 



Irregular 
attendance 



Salary paid 
Benezet 



Two Negro 
schools 
under Daniel 
Britt, Sarah 
Dougherty, 
and Eliza- 
beth 
Meccum 



V^ 



fi^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3 — 30—1770, 379. 
^Hhid., 4 — 26 — 1771, 444, and 21 — 25 — 1772, 145. 
^Uhid., 7—28—1786, 271. 
^Ubid., I— 30— 1784, 128. 
^^Ihid., I — 25 — 1793, 184. 



244 Early Quaker Edtication in Pennsylvania 



School 
receives gift 
from 
England 



Regtdar 
attendance 
about eighty 



Ehsha 

Pickering, 

master 



mistress. Finances were generally in a bad state, though 
they had been considerably augmented by a generous gift of 
£175 from England, and a special donation by William 
Craig.'^^ In spite of this, the committee was still indebted to 
the estate of Anthony Benezet to the extent of about £100.* 
These difficulties do not seem to have been insuperable, how- 
ever; the regular annual income (about 1784) was fairly well 
established, being derived from the rental of property and 
grounds.''^ 

Under the direction of Daniel Britt and his wife the school 
continued to progress; most gratifying was the increase of 
the regular attendance to about eighty, which was as large as 
could be conveniently accommodated in the two schools." 
The services of Britt and his wife ceased in the period from 
1795 to 1798, the latter having died and the former being aged 
and infirm. The master's place was taken by Elisha Picker- 
ing, at a salary now grown to £150 per year. That of the 
mistress still remained at the mark of former years, £50. 
The amount of annual rents had increased to £190/9/11 and 
besides this there was an interest from £146/7 which was a 
part of the bequest of Anthony Benezet.''* The annual 
expenditures were estimated at £230, which considerably 
exceeded the income. It was customary to require tuition 
for the children whose masters were "bound by indenture to 
give them school learning," and from this source was eked out 
the sum necessary to defray expenses. '^^ There is found no 
statement in the committee's reports to indicate the amount 
of tuition usually demanded. The following bill may be of 
interest, however, since it shows various items of expenditures 
of the school committee.** 



'iMin. Phila. Mo. Mtg., i — 25 — 1793, 184. 

*For an insight to the real value of the money see note p. 212 of this 
work; also Dewey, p. 39. 
''^Ibid., 2-23,1798, 149. 

•'^Ibid. 

**Ms. Minutes of the Committee on Negro Education, I, 19; other 
expenditures mentioned are for copy books, ciphering books, child's 
spelHng books, lessons for youth, writing paper, red blotting paper, 
slates, quills, ink, tutors' assistants, Cheap Repository, 4 volumes, and 
one set Murray's Introduction, I, 138. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 245 

Committee of education, to Othneil Alsop, Dr. 

1797 9-23. Cash advance to Bustill $ 10.00 

9-30. Paid J . SchEeflfer for 4 benches for North Liberties 

School 3.50 

24 printed alphabets .27 

6 spelling books 1.50 

10-2. Paid A. Williams quarter's salary 25.00 

10-28. Advanced Cyrus Bustill 10.00 

1 1-6. Two cords of wood, hauling, etc 12.35 

Total $62.62 



From available records it is impossible to give more than 
an elementary knowledge of how the school was run. Nothing 
is found concerning the inner organization. We can know its 
purposes, its means at command for attaining them, and 
approximately the number of children it was able to reach. 
The length of school term is not quite clear; it seems evident 
that there were summer and winter sessions, how long we do 
not know, and that there was scarecely any interruption of 
their continuity. Occurrences which caused an interruption 
of the session usually were commented on in the committee's 
reports.''^ A summary of the report showing the status of the 
schools in 1800 is given below.'''^ At that time they were 
under the direction of committees of the northern, central, 
and southern districts. 

1. Benjamin Mears, master at $500 a year; Elizabeth 
Meccum, mistress at £50 per year. 

2. Schools have been kept open throughout the year 
1798-99 with the exception of twelve weeks on account of 
sickness. 

3. The attendance, from seventy to eighty day scholars, 
winter and auttimn. 

4. Some applicants for admission have been refused 
because of a lack of room; room enough for all in summer. 

5. Finance: 

a. Total bequest of Anthony Benezet, plus that which 
was owing to him at the time of his death, makes an 
income of £193 /4 



Summer and 

winter 

sessions 



Status of 
Negro 
schools in 
1800 



'^Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11 — 28 — 1800, 300; Ibid., 2—23 — 1798, 149. 
''Uhid. 



Not enough 
Negroes for 
a separate 
school 



Negro 
education 
usually 
delegated to 
a committee 



246 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

b. Annual amount of donations from other 

sources £117/5/11 

Total £220/9/11 

In hands of treasurer £ 8/12/6 

For two reasons it has been thought advisable to present 
as fully as possible the situation in regard to the Negro's 
education in Philadelphia. First, they were present in 
Philadelphia in so considerable numbers that it necessitated 
a complete organization on the part of the society if any aid 
was to be offered; second, the method of dealing with them 
was closely followed in other localities, in case there were 
sufficient numbers to warrant it. The activity of other 
monthly meetings in this question of oversight and education 
of the Negro will be touched upon briefly. 

As was above suggested, and will be shown more explicitly 
hereinafter, there were many of the country districts where 
the Negro problem scarcely existed.''^ In many others 
the number of the race was so small that a separate school was 
entirely out of the question; but more was needed than the 
mere presence of a White school, to make certain that they 
received even the rudiments of an education. A constant 
readjustment of the general ideal of attitude toward them 
was necessary for each individual community. The details 
of information concerning the work of each meeting was 
interesting enough, but perhaps it will be more instructive to 
point out and illustrate the general characteristics which 
applied to most, or at least a large number of them. 

As a general rule, if Negro inhabitants were numerous, a 
committee was delegated to the service of their care and 
education.''^ In some places this was made a standing com- 
mittee having specified duties ; in others, the committees were 
appointed only to investigate conditions and make a report, 
so that further action might be taken by the meeting. It 
may be well to note the type of this service which the commit- 



"Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 7 — 26 — 1764, 519. 

"Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9 — 9 — 1779, 65; Min. Sadsbury Mo., 
Mtg., 7 — 17 — 1782, 340. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



247 



tees were required to perform. The duties, performed by the 
two kinds of committees, were but slightly differentiated ; the 
chief difference lay in the length of the term of service. 

The first task for them was to actually visit the Negro 
families within the compass of the particular meeting ;^° the 
second, to determine as exactly as possible the economic status 
of the home;^^ the third, to ascertain the number of children 
capable of receiving schooling ; ^^fourth, to inform themselves 
as to the attitude of the parents towards their children's edu- 
cation;^^ fifth, to deal with members of Friends who possessed 
slaves or paid servants, endeavoring to point out to them the 
obligation for their education, and also for their freedom;^ 
sixth, to inform themselves as to the occupation pursued by the 
Negroes, if any;^^ and finally, to make a report of conditions, 
in such shape that it might be transmitted to the quarterly 
meeting, and outline the plan of procedure, according to the 
demands of the situation. ^^ From such a range of informa- 
tion, considering the characteristic thoroughness of the 
people, it must be inferred that they were able to understand 
the needs, which is always a first requisite for their satisfac- 
tion. Moreover, the knowledge that the quarterly meetings 
demanded written statements of what they had done always 
worked to facilitate prompt action as soon as the situation 
was defined. Rather late in the century, 1779, the yearly 
meeting became insistent as to the treatment of those who 
held slaves, though the punishment for failure to educate 
them was not so drastic. Extracts sent to the meetings in 
that year required that all members holding slaves should be 
disowned.^'' Instances where this punishment was used are 
not wanting. ^^ 

The financial burden of Negro education usually fell on the 
local meeting. Those owning slaves were required to pay for 



soMin. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9 — 9 — 1779, 65f. 

^^Min. Deercreek Mo. Mtg., 7 — 24 — 1779, 304. 
^^Ibid., II — 23 — 1776, 274. 
^^Ibid. 

*^Min. Sadsbtiry Mo. Mtg., 7 — 17 — 1782, 340. 
^^Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 10 — 25 — 1779, 31. 

^■'Extracts, Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 6 — 1779, 202 ; (this was a part 
of the discipline). 

^^Ib'id., 12 — 6 — 1762, 107. 



Seven duties 
for the com- 
mittees to 
perform 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Support 
similar to 
that of other 
schools 



Negro edu- 
cation at 
Exeter 



Radnor 



No early- 
mention of 
their school- 
ing at Radnor 



their education, but when they became free, as most of them 
did by the time of the Revolution, it was impossible for them 
to pay for themselves. This burden, which the society 
assumed, was usually met : (i) by subscription,^^ (2) by special 
legacies, and (3) by income from investments in property. 
In the smaller localities, the first was the predominate means ; 
in the larger, such as Philadelphia, a larger proportion was 
derived from the second and third, ^^ though the first was 
common to all. 

The situation at Exeter Monthly Meeting seems to have 
been well disposed of, if one may judge by the brevity of their 
annals. Writing, 1764, in answer to an inquiry on the part 
of Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, to which they belonged, 
they report: 

But one negro amongst us, who has sufficient food and raiment, but 
his religious education is still neglected, which is now under notice. ^^ 

In 1758 they had reported two Negroes only, and with 
substantially the same comments. ^^ The report may either 
mean they had no problem at the outset, or that they were 
remarkably successful in their attempt to solve it. 

Radnor Monthly Meeting reported in 1756 that they were 
clear with respect to buying, importing, disposing of, or 
holding slaves, ^^ and continued substantially the same report 
until 1768.^* They were all, according to reports, well 
fed and clothed and many attended meetings, ^^ but no state- 
ment is made at that early date concerning any attempt to 
educate them. From sundry reports after 1768 it seems 
necessary to assume that the earlier reports were not entirely 
accurate in stating that the meeting was "clear" of slaves. 
Without this assumption, it is difficult to understand the great 
increase in the cases of discipline for that offense. This 
increase was doubtless due to a closer scrutiny of the Negro 
question than had been formerly customary. 

8»Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9 — 9 — 1779, 65f. 
, 80Qf Report on Philadelphia, pp. 68f. 
^ siMin. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 7 — 26 — 1764, 519. 

^^Ihid., 10 — 26 — 1758, 301. 

»'Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 10 — 12 — 1756, 287. 

^Ibid., I — II — 1757,300; 4 — 10 — 1759,28; 6 — 8 — 1764,54; 7 — 8^ 
1766, 139. 

^Ubid., 7—8—1766, 139. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



249 



Beginning with 1768, there were several cases reported of 
deahng in slaves, either buying, selling, or holding. First, 
there was "one slave sold,"^^ and two years later the records 
state "none imported but some purchased and some sold 
since last account."^'' It was firrther admitted (1770) that 
"nothing has yet been done by us in visiting those who hold 
slaves, "^^ but a few years later (1776) there is ample evidence 
cited that they attended to each individual case; there are 
several instances where expulsion from the society was 
threatened, ^^ and actually carried into execution.^"" In 1778 
the committee on slaves reported: (i) they had visited all 
members holding slaves, (2) obtained manumissions from 
David Harvard for two slaves, (3) Anthony Tunnis also 
released a slave, and (4) mentioned two other cases for con- 
sideration — (a) that of John Harvard, holding one slave though 
he admits it to be wrong, and (b) that of Samuel Harvard who 
refuses to set free a Negro man aged forty, though he con- 
demns the slaveholding practice.^"! In 1780 the meeting 
reported none imported, sold, or purchased, and almost none 
held,^^ and by 1790 even the latter had disappeared.^"' 

There was at this time constant oversight of the freed 
Negroes and som.e of the children were given the opportunity 
of schooling without charge to the parents.^"* 

Negro slavery flourished early in Bucks County, ^"^ and 
still continued to persist until after the abolition in 1780,^"^ 
which resulted in a gradual diminution of slavery throughout 
the state. A little later we shall notice the distribution of 
slaves as indicated by the registration which was required by 
the law in 1782.^*" 

The presence of Negroes in the compass of Middletown is 
first made known through the record of 1703 which stated 



-13 — 1779, 171; II — 12 — 1779, 179. 



^^Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7 — 12 — 1768, 209. 

^''Ihid., 7 — 10 — 1770, 286. 

^Hhid. 

^Hbid., 10— 8— 1776, 102; I 

^°°Ibid., 12 — 10 — 1778, 145. 

^°'^Ibid., II — 13 — 1778, 140. 

^^Ubid., 7— I— 1780, 198. 

^°^Ibid., 7 — 13 — 1790, 7. 

^°*IbU. 

i^^See p. 228flf. ; also Davis, Hist. Bucks Co., II, 294. 

"6C0Z. Rec. XII, 99. "'Davis, Hist., II, 297. 



Report of 
committee 
on slaves 



Some 
schooled 
without 
charge 



Slavery in 

Bucks 

County 



250 Early Qtmker Education in Pennsylvania 



Slaves 

mentioned at 
Middletown 
1703 



No slaves 
held; the 
children 
schooled 



Buckingham 



Negro to be 
educated 
and given 
religious in- 
struction 

No evidence 
of separate 
Negro school 



that Robert Heaton and Thomas Stackpole were appointed to 
fence off a portion of the ground to bury Negroes in.^"* The 
first reference to their Hberation (other than by death) is the 
case of Jeremiah Langhome, who in 1742 freed all of his 
Negroes, the entire number being about thirty or forty.^"^ 
Just how frequently such liberations occurred and how 
generally they were participated in by Friends is not accur- 
ately ascertainable from the records, but by the year 1782 
just following the stringent abolition act we have the follow- 
ing report: 

We have none to charge with buying or holding slaves, and care is 
taken to give the young ones learning and some care has been taken to 
encourage them in a religious and virtuous life.^^" 

In 1783 a similar report issued from the monthly meeting, 
stating that a noteworthy care was evident among them for 
the Negroes, both old and young, but that a more consider- 
able care was necessary to be taken in regard to their edu- 
cation.^^^ 

In 1759 Buckingham Meeting appointed John Ely and 
Isaac Pickering to speak with one of their members who had 
purchased slaves. "^ This was done because it was a conflict 
with the discipline. The burden of their advice is that he 
should bring up the young Negroes in useful learning and 
Christianity, and later set them free if they desired it. There 
is nothing ftirther to indicate the nature of the education, and 
since there is no evidence oF a school for them, it was probably 
in their homes or in connection with the White schools. No 
other references are found which point to any progress until 
1778 when the meeting appointed Thomas Watson and Oliver 
Paxson to advise and assist the free Negroes in their religious 
duties and also in regard to their school education."^ This 
appointment was made in accordance with the more stringent 
regulations which were given out by the quarterly and yearly 
meetings in 1777."^ These regulations requested only that 

lo^Davis, Hist., II, 295. 

""Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 8 — I — 1782, 535. 

>"76id., 8—7—1783, 557. 

ii'^Extracts, Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 6 — 1762, p. 107. 

^^Uhid., II— 2— 1778, 181. 

"■•Min. Bucks Q. Mtg., 8—28—1777, 29. 



Education of Negates and Indians 



251 



committee be appointed to look into the status of the Negroes 
and seek to better their conditions, but the one next following, 
1779, required those holding slaves to be disowned. ^^^ 

The records of Bucks Quarterly Meeting are in very sub- 
stantial agreement with those of the individual meetings. 
Falls, Wrightstown, Middletown and Buckingham, which 
constituted it."^ The question of the rightfulness of buying 
or owning slaves seems to have come first to a conscious 
consideration about 1730, when it was debated in the meet- 
ing. ^^^ They were unable to come to a decision in the matter 
and accordingly referred it back to the yearly meeting.^^^ 
Though unsuccessful in debating the question satisfactorily, 
their practical success seems to have been very commendable, 
for in 1766 there is reported only one Negro purchased lately 
throughout the quarter. ^^^ This does not mean that no 
Negroes were held, for as will be shown later there were many 
in that region ; it does mean, however, that their control of 
any increase in slaves was very satisfactory to the yearly 
meeting's demands. By 1772 the record has still been 
greatly improved, as they report : 

clear of importing or buying negroes as far as appears, but their 
religious education is not so strictly attended to as the import of the 
query seems to require.^^" 

Though all indications are to the effect that slave purchas- 
ing was near the minimum, the meetings were clearly not 
satisfied. Com.mittees were at all times kept by both the 
quarterly and monthly meetings,^^^ to visit with those who 
held slaves to persuade them to give them their freedom. 
The committee for this service in the quarterly meeting 
reported in 1777: 

We of the committee appointed by the quarterly meeting in order to 
treat with our members who hold their fellowmen in bondage, in connec- 
tion with the several meetings committees, now report that there has 
been considerable time spent in laboring with them in order to convince 



"^Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12 — 6 — 1779, 202. 
"6Min. Bucks Q. Mtg., 2 vols., 1684-1804. Newtown First Nat'l 
Bank. 

^"Ibid., 6 — 27 — 1730. 

^^^Ibid., 8—28—1766. 

^^'^Ihid., 8—27—1772, ^^Ukid., 8—28—1777, 29. 



Slave hold- 
ing debated 
in meeting 



Report of 
committee 
on slaves 



252 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Meetings 
set up for 
Negroes 



No mention 
made of 
separate 
school 



Social 
approval 
given those 
who freed 
slaves 



them of the evil of the practice, which labors of love have been by some 
kindly received, and they have compUed so far as to give those they had 
in bondage their liberty by instruments of writing .... but there 
are others who still persist in holding them as slaves, notwithstanding 
the repeated care and labor of Friends extended towards them.^^^ 

The next report made in the eleventh month of the year is 
substantially the same, several slaves having been "manu- 
mitted or set free," and, also, the defiant attitude being still 
present among some members. ^^^ The similarity of these 
reports continues till the very last years of the century, with 
however a few additions. At some time prior to 1795, not 
more than three years, there were established meetings for 
Negroes which were held at stated times, always under the 
direction of Friends. ^^^ In 1799 the quarterly meeting was 
able to report "no slaves among us" and that "some care" is 
extended to those set free.^^^ 

Very early, the meetings were urged to give their attention 
to the religious and school education of the negroes that were 
in their possession, ^^^ but a majority of the reports from 
meetings are to the effect that this did not receive satisfactory 
attention.^2' jv^q evidence remains in any records to show 
that there was a separate school ever established for Negroes, 
and it is quite possible that there never was during the i8th 
century. The demands transmitted through Bucks Quar- 
terly were not so strictly enforced in regard to education as 
in regard to liberation, and it is more than probable that it 
was in most cases determined by the individual conscience 
than by the group. In regard to forcing liberation by public 
opinion, there are many examples where individuals were 
singled out and threatened with ejection from the society if 
they refused their slaves freedom, ^^^ but there are few refer- 
ences to such action taken for failure to educate them ; there 
are, however, occasional ones mentioned. Most references to 
their education were in the nature of advice, which doubtless 
was followed in many cases, ^^^ and disregarded in many more. 

i22Min. Bucks Q. Mtg., 8—28—1777, 29. ^"^Uhid., 1 1—27— 1777, 33. 

^"^^Ihid., 8 — 27—1795. ^"^^Ibid., 2 — 28 — 1799, 289. 

i^^Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 2—2—1757. Ibid., 2—7—1758. 

^^Uhid., 8-7-1 77 1, 86; 8—5—1772, 105; 9—6—1780, 275; 8—6— 

I7«3. 350- 

^^^Ibid., 8 — I — 1781, 301; 3 — 2 — 1763; 2 — 4 — 1767; 7 — 2—1769. 
i29Min Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 11 — 2 — 1778; 181; 8 — 1762, 107. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



253 



In spite of the continuous exertions of the Friends' meetings 
to keep down the number of slaves purchased, and to increase 
the number of liberations among those already possessed by 
their members, it appears from an investigation of the matter 
made by Davis, that almost one-third of the total number of 
slaves in 1782 (Bucks County) were to be found in the town- 
ships Falls, Middletown, Lower and Upper Makefield, Bristol 
and Wrightstown, where the Quakers were most numerous. ^^^ 
The entire ntmiber of slaves registered in 1782 was five 
hundred and twenty, and this may be regarded as fairly 
accurate since failure to register them meant the loss of the 
slave.^^^ The niunber registered in the townships where 
Baptists and Presbyterians were settled, Warwick, Warring- 
ton, New Britain, Newtown and Bedminster, was very small, 
while the German districts registered but thirty-two. ^^^ 

The meetings constituting Western Quarterly Meeting 
(Chester County), Kennett, London Grove, and New Garden 
have very meagre references to slaves or slave holding up to 
about 1770. One of the monthly meetings, London Grove, 
was not established until 1792,^^^ and between that date and 
1800 made no reports of any consequence. 

In 1770 Kennett Meeting's committee performed a general 
visit to all possessed of slaves and found there was not the 
desired willingness to manumit them which they had ex- 
pected. ^^* From the report made seven years later, we must 
judge the situation had not changed very considerably since 
we find one member signified to them that he did not incline 
to release his Negroes from bondage, nor did he know that 
ever he should. ^^^ 

It does not, however, seem that the occasional stubborn 
brother had a discouraging effect on the rest of the meeting. 
In 1779 the records stated. 

It is desired that Friends attend to the circumstances and the situation 
of such negroes as have been set free, that we may fully discharge our 
duty to them, by endea.voring to instruct them, both for their spiritual 
and temporal good. . . .^^^ 

""Davis, Hist. Bucks Co., II, 297. 

^^Ubid., 296. ^^mid., 297. 

i33Min. London Mo. Mtg. 1792, I (deposited at L. G. Mtg.). 

"^Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8 — 16 — 1770—439. 

^^^Ibid., 10 — 16 — 1777, 619. ^^^Ihid., i — 14 — 1779, 658. 



Registration 
of 1782 
showed 
large pro- 
portion of 
slaves in 
Quaker 
townships 



Early 
records of 
slave holding 
meagre 



Visit per- 
formed to 
all salve 
holders 



2 54 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



New Garden 



Most 
Negroes 
reported 
able to 
read and 
write 



Uwchlan 



A committee of three men was immediately appointed to 
perfonn the service. This work with committees continued 
constantly, with the result that nine years later (1889) the 
meeting reported "none held as slaves amongst us" and that 
attention was given to education.^^^ The registration of 1780 
showed only three held as slaves in the whole township.^^^ 

In New Garden attention was early called to the Negroes/^' 
and a committee appointed then reported in 1781 that most 
of them were living among Friends and were generally well 
provided for.^^" That committee was released/*^ and a new 
one reported in 1785 the following state of affairs: 

We have paid some attention to the case of free negroes, and find 
there are but few amongst us, most of whom we have visited where they 
reside. . . . They are generally well provided for with the neces- 
saries of life and some care taken of their religious education, in which 
we believe there may be an improvement. We also inspected their 
school education and find most of them can read and some write.^*^ 

In 1789 one case of holding a slave came before the meeting, 
but at its direction a writ of manumission was immediately 
secured for the same.^^^ The registration in 1780 for New 
Garden township returned one slave only, held by a Scotch- 
man.i^ 

Uwchlan Monthly Meeting (Cain Quarterly), as early as 
1765, received a report from a delegation sent from the quar- 
terly meeting stating it as their opinion that Friends ought to 
inspect into the care which Friends who had Negroes, extended 
toward them with regard to their education."^ A committee 
was accordingly appointed by the monthly meeting to serve 
in that capacity. How considerable was their activity in 
the interval elapsing between their appointment and their 
first formal report of conditions which was returned to the 
meeting in 1779, one cannot judge accurately. We may 
judge from the report above mentioned that there was no 



"^Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8— 14— 1788, 887. 

"^Futhey and Cope, 424. 

i"Min. New Garden Mo. Mtg., 12 — 5 — 1778, 419 (committee had 



been appointed in 1774) 
^^oibid., 5— 5— 1 78 1, 108 
^*^Ibid., 9 — I — 1781, 119 
^'^Ibid., 8—6—1785, 256 
"*Futhey and Cope, Hist, of Chester Co., 424 
"^Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 3 — i — 1765, 66. 



^'^Ibid., 9 — 5 — 1789, 419. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



255 



Negro school, for that race alone; it was perhaps not de- 
manded by the numbers who would have been eligible.^^® It 
appears the committee had visited all (Wilmington excepted) 
who had been freed, and found all generally in a very satisfac- 
tory state. Some are reported not able to give their children 
schooling, and for them aid is solicited ;^^^ for others advice is 
requested to guide them in their outward affairs. The direc- 
tion of the Negroes' education, as nearly as can be made out, 
was of the most practical nature, laying emphasis on the 
industrial side, at that time an apprentice type of education.^*^ 
The interest in the apprentice did not stop as soon as he was 
placed, but continued, for it was customary to place him 
with Friends, if possible, and the member of Friends was 
responsible to his meeting for the fulfilment of his contract 
with the apprenticed. The following extract from the Middle- 
town records will serve to show the general regulation by 
which the apprenticing was carried on among members of 
the society. 

. . . and his sonnes giving security to the orphans court, and to 
pay interest for the money that belongs to the said .... ever 
since the time it became due, and also the said Thomas do abide at 
Robert Heaton's house for his table and to be kept to school for a year, 
or so long as the Meeting may think fit.^*^ 

Sadsbury, 1782, reported they had visited the free Negroes, 
who were situated nearly as before. ^^^ No statement was 
given of the entire number within this locality, but five were 
listed as having no trade. ^^^ It appears, however, in spite of 
that fact, they were not dependent on the community for 
support. One woman owned a house and lot, "her own pur- 
chase" ; a man with family rented a small tenement ; and the 
other three worked as common laborers. ^^^ 

The Bradford minutes (also of Cain Quarterly) devote 
almost no space to the status of the Negro in their vicinity. 



No Negro 
school 



Aid solicited 
to school 
poor 
Negroes 



Sadsbury 
report on 
situation 
of Negroes 



»*6Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9 — 9 — 1779, 65f. 

i"Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., i — 7 — 1699, 113. 
""Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 7 — 17 — 1782, 340. 



256 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Bradford 
reported few 
slaves 



Concord 
Quarterly 



Poor 

Negroes to 
be put to 

trades 



Negroes 
sent to 
books sent 
among them 



Concord 



8 children 
reported of 
school age 
but not in 
school 



Goshen 



This may have been because there were few slaves there. At 
the registration of slaves, compelled by law in 1780/^ the 
townships of East and West Bradford returned none what- 

gygj._154 

In the discussion of Concord Quarterly there will be 
material presented from Chester, Concord and Goshen. In 
1779 Chester Monthly Meeting reported they had made a 
visit to all freed Negroes, of whom it was said, some were 
quite poor and unable to school their children. ^^^ The 
visiting committee recommended that the poor should be 
put out to trades and given schoohng, and suggested 
that a subscription should be raised for that purpose. The 
meeting was heartily in favor of this and at once appointed 
a committee to look after the subscriptions and their 
apphcation.^^^ Two years later (1781) after a similar 
visitation by committee, it was reported that the}- had 
been advised of their temporal and religious duties, many 
sent to school and books distributed among them.^*' At 
these dates no special schools for Negroes were mentioned, 
and the date of their establishment is not found, but in 1785 
the report of the committee on Negroes, requesting a new 
subscription for supporting Negro schools, indicated that 
there were special schools established for them.^^^ 

The situation at Concord Meeting was very similar to that 
of Chester, as appears by their report of 1779. Following the 
customary visitation, it was stated that the visit was satis- 
factory in many places, but in some families were found small 
children, eight of whom were of school age, but whose parents 
were unable to school them.^^^ The meeting was asked to 
give its attention to the matter, but nothing was found in the 
minutes to indicate what they did further to remed}^ the 
matter. 

The Goshen Meeting seems from its answers to the queries 
in 1756 to be in a very satisfactory state with regard to slave- 



^^Col. Rec, XII, 99; Laws of Pa., Ill, 268-272. 

^^''Futhey and Cope, 424. 

"^Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 10 — 25 — 1779, 31. 

i"/6id., 7 — 30 — 1 78 1, 73f. 
^^^Ibid., 9 — 23 — 1785, 177. 
i"Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 6 — 9 — 1779, 86. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



257 



holding, "none having been purchased of late years," though 
they consider they are not careful enough in educating them 
in Christian principles.^®" They were, however, careful to 
deal individually with those few who were engaged in any 
manner in holding slaves in bondage. ^^^ In 1758 the record 
stated : 

Those few negroes amongst us we believe are provided with a stiffi- 
ciency of food and clothing, but doubt some are too careless in affording 
them religious instruction.^*^ 

Four years later conditions were somewhat improved, and 
their report stated : 

No pvtrchase since our last account that we know of. Those amongst 
us who keep negro slaves, we believe afford them a sufficiency of food 
and clothing and endeavors are used with some to learn them to read.^** 

If we read a little further the records for the same year, we 
are informed that some were sent to school, supposedly to a 
"White school" due to the small number of Negroes among 
Friends.^®* From the above references, then, taken in con- 
nection with one of the second month, 1764, we are led to 
infer that the education of the Negroes under Friends' care was 
carried on in a school and not in the home, under individual 
instructors, whoever might be able to do it. The reference 
of 1764 stated "some are sent to school to learn to read."^®^ 

Simultaneously with this care in their education, the meet- 
ing was working on each individual case, among the members, 
to convince them of the propriety of the manumission prac- 
tice. In 1776 Randel Mailin manumitted his Negro man 
Peter Cuff, and produced his record of the same to the meet- 
ing to have it recorded on their books. ^^^ The next year 
(1777) Nathan Hoop manumitted a Negro woman, 18 years 
old, and her two mulatto boys as soon as they should become 
21 years of age.^®^ The following brief extract is illustrative 
of the many cases where pressure was brought to bear in a 
kindly way, to the end that this or that person might set 
Negroes free. 



Endeavors 
to teach 
negroes to 
read, re- 
ported 



Negroes 
sent to 
school 



Manumis- 
sion con- 
tinually 
urged 



isoMin. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 10 — 18 — 1756. 

^^^Ihid., 7 — 18 — 1757. 

^^Ubid., 7 — 17 — 1758. ^^^Ihid., 2 — 10 — 1764. 

^^Ibid.,2 — 5 — 1762. ^^^Ibid., 4 — 5 — 1776. 

^^^Ibid., 8 — 6 — 1762. ^^Ubid., 3 — 7 — 1777. 



258 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Discipline 
of members 
guilty of 
slave 

dealing 



Schooling of 
Negroes 
under care 



Low rettorn 
in Quaker 
townships 
in 1780 
registra- 
tions 

Abington 
Quarter 



Horsham 

Monthly 



Negroes 
schooled at 
expense of 
school com- 
mittee 



Complaint is brought against Thomas Pennington for buying and 
selling a negro woman. Joseph Thomas and Randle Mailin are ap- 
pointed to deal with him as our discipline directs.^^* 

In 1778 the Goshen Meeting appointed a committee, 

Randle Mailin and Caleb Maris, to join with a committee 

appointed by the Quarterly Meeting (Concord) to advise 

together concerning the education of the Negroes. ^®^ This 

is a very good indication that organized action was taken, 

educationally, and that it was not left to individual choice. 

In 1780 the monthly meeting reported to the yearly meeting 

that its committee (the one formerly appointed) had been 

"advising Negroes" on their religious education and had their 

"schooling under care."^^° The registry of slaves in 1780 

showed thirteen as the full quota for Goshen township. ^''^ 

As a general rule very few were returned from the Quaker 

townships while the vast majority came from those of the 

Welsh (Charlestown, Tredyffrin and East Nantmeal) and 

the Scotch-Irish (Newtown, Londonderry, Oxford and East 
Nottingham.) 1^2 

From the meeting records in the Abington Quarter there 
will be presented some of the material relating to Horsham, 
Byberry (not established a monthly meeting till 1810),^''^ and 
Gwynedd, which may be taken as representative of that 
quarterly meeting. 

Though there is scant evidence in the Horsham Monthly 
Meeting minutes to indicate what they did in reference to the 
Negroes' education, we are not left entirely in the dark. The 
Horsham School Committee, which made a report of its own 
after 1783, made occasional reference thereto, and it must be 
understood from these reports that the Negroes were schooled 
at the expense of the school committee. The only proof of 
this statement, given in the records, is found in statements like 
the following: 



"8Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 7 — 10—1778. 
^^Hbid., 12— II— 1778. 
i'o//M(f.,8— II— 1780. 
"'Futhey and Cope, 424. 

I'^This statement is based on the results of G. Cope's study of local 
history. 

"'Bunting, Recs., Mtg. Phila. Yr. Mtg., 24. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



259 



An account of Thomas Hallowell for schooling Griffith Camel's and 
negro Caesar's children was produced and considered, and the treasurer 
ordered to pay him grant given. That of Caesar's lies for inspection, i'^* 

This makes clear that cases of Negro schooling were taken 
before the same committee as cases of poor Whites and were 
investigated and disposed of in the same manner. 

Byberry Preparative Meeting makes no reference during 
the early years to the status of the Negro in its limits. 
Martindale, in a History of Byberry and Moreland, states that 
slavery came into Byberry about 1721,^''^ the slaves being 
employed by the more opulent class to do the roughest work. 
The inventory of a Friends' property (1727) showed that he 
possessed "one negro girl, £20, and one negro boy, £30."^''^ 
Of their intervening history little is recorded, though the 
Negroes were set free by many members of Friends, and in 
1779 the meeting authorized Silas Walmsley and William 
Walmsley to provide a suitable burying ground for the use of 
Negroes who had been freed. ^" What was done for their 
education is not known. 

It is noticeable that in the earliest answers to the query 
concerning Negroes (about 1756) the majority of the monthly 
meetings usually answered in an offhand manner that they 
were "clear" or there were "none to be charged with that 
breech," or something to that effect. The writer believes 
these reports first sent in were perhaps made from only a 
general knowledge of the situation, and not the result of an 
exact knowledge of their members' practices. This statement 
is not capable of an exact proof, but the remarkable similarity 
in all the meeting records for the first few reports, certainly 
indicate that such was the case. Quite frequently, yes, in 
most cases, the " clear" reports are followed after a few months 
or years by statements that some are imported, a few held 
as slaves, or one Negro sold and similar reports. This was 
true in the case of Gwynedd. In 1756 the meeting reported 
"we have not to charge any,""^ and three months following, 



"*Rec. Horsham School Com., 11 — 15 — 1793. 

i^^Martindale, Hist, of Byberry and Moreland, 49. 

^''^Ibid., 50. (The sources used by Martindale are not found.) 

i"Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 9 — 15 — 1779. 

"8Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 4 — 25 — 1756, 215. 



Byberry 



Slaves in 
1721 

1727 



Records not 
always to be 
relied upon 



26o Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

"Friends think themselves clear in this respect";"^ the 
nature of the wording in the last would imply it was based 
more on implicit faith than explicit judgment. Eleven years 
thereafter we have more definite reports, such as : 

. . . . clear of importing negroes; the few possessed by Friends 
are well used, their slavery excepted,^*" and none bought or sold that we 
know of; those that have them use them well as to the necessities of 
life and some are brought to meetings at times.^^^ 

From that time forward the reports made to the monthly 
meeting were very definite. In 1775 a report was brought in 
which purported to cover the entire compass of the meeting. 
It stated the number held, their status, and what was done 
for their benefit. It is interesting to note that a few enjoyed 
some educational opportunities, limited to be sure, the details 
of which are presented here, as they appeared in the minutes 
of the meeting. 

We of the committee appointed by the Monthly Meeting to visit such 

P of our members as are possessed of slaves, and detaining them in bond- 

,-r . age, contrary .... visited all such of our members that are 

WesToes m o ' ./ 

under that circumstance as we know of, which are eight in number, who 

are possessed of sixteen negroes and one mulatto, viz.: ist possesses 
one negro girl about 17 years of age and appeared in a disposition rather 
to justify the practice of detaining her in bondage during life than other- 
wise. 2d, possesses five negroes one of which is a man about 35 years of 
age, who he said he intended to set free at the next quarter sessions. 
The other four — three boys and a girl, are young, whom he said he 
intended to set free as they came of age, the boys at 21 and the girl at 18, 
giving them learning to fit them for business. 3rd, two negroes, a man 
and a woman, the man about 30 years of age, who was in the possession 
of a Friend, lately deceased, now in his executors, who said he intended 
they should soon enjoy their liberty. 4th, possessor of three negroes, 
one a woman 20 years old, who he said he expected should have her 
liberty in a short time — the other two, a man and a woman about 20 
years of age, both as we thought, incapable of freedom. 5th, possessor 
of 2 negroes, a woman about 32 years old, who he said should have her 
liberty, when she earned him thirty pounds. The girl about ten years 
old who he said is to be set free by his last will when she arrives at the 
age of 30 years. 6th. Possessor of two negroes, both women, one about 
34, the other about 19 years old; the said Friend not in a capacity of 
giving any account of what might be done for them. 7th. Possessor of 



1775 



"»Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 7 — 27 — 1756, 164. 
"o/Wd., 7—28—1767, 13. 
"i/ftici., 7—26—1768, 40. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



261 



a mulatto girl about 1 1 years old, bound to him till she is 31, who he said 
he intended to set at liberty at the age of 21, with endeavors to learn her 
to read. 8th. Possessor of a negro girl about 17 years old, who her 
mistress said she intended to do the best she could by.^^^ 

In 1779 it is reported that the affairs of Negroes are still in 
the hands of the committee for that purpose, but that not 
much more has been accomplished than was last reported. ^^^ 
It would seem though that the committee was decidedly 
active in dealing with individual cases of discipline both at 
that time and in the years following. Especially did they 
urge first the freedom of the slave, and when this was refused, 
as it occasionally was, they did not hesitate to eject the 
recalcitrant member. ^^ So effective was their service that 
by 1790 there were none held as slaves by Friends and in 
regard to their education they reported: "Some care and 
labor is extended towards the instruction and education of 
such Negroes as are under Friends' care."^^^ 

It would be interesting to corn-pare the Friends' own 
account of their activity with that of an outsider who merely 
looked on, but the writer has been unable to find any opinion 
on the subject by any contemporary, either through this 
investigation or from those made by others. Many, it is 
true, comment on their social and economic status but little 
mention is ever made of their education. ^^^ 

The Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly Meeting (Baltimore 
Yearly Meeting) reported in 1776 that their Negroes were 
well taken care of, but their education was "much neg- 
lected."^^'' Three years later they reported: 

By the accounts now received it appears that the religious education of 
such negroes and their children as have been restored to freedom has 
been attended to and a visit performed to most of them to good satisfac- 
tion, and there appears to be a hopeful prospect that those who have 
been under their immediate care will comply with Friends' advice with 
respect to the school education. Some care has been taken therein.^^* 



i82Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 8 — 27 — 1775, 202. 
''■^Ihid., 5 — 25 — 1779, 306. 
^^^Ihid., 8—26—1783, 172. 
^^^Ibid., 7 — -27 — 1790, 112. 

i^^Kaln, P., Travels into North America, I, 390, 394. 
is^Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg., 9-16-1776, 11. 
^^^Ibid., 9 — -20 — 1779, 73. (Warrington Meeting, in the County of 
York.) 



Members 
disciplined 
for failure 
to manumit 

slaves 



Warrington 
and Fairfax 
Quarterly 



Some care 
taken in 
their 
education 



262 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Friendly 
relation of 
Quakers 
and Indians 



No rum to 
any but 
chieftain by 
law, 1 701 



ATTITUDE TOWARD THE INDIANS 

The uncommon relation existing from the time of the first 
settlement of Penn's colony throughout the entire colonial 
history, is well known to every schoolboy; such relations, 
between any possibly antagonistic groups, have been without 
parallel in the history of this country. Applegarth, speaking 
of this happy relationship, states that the results of his study 
revealed but two instances in which Friends had been 
massacred by Indians, and these cases were entirely the 
results of misimderstanding.^^^ 

It is aside from the point to relate at length the means 
employed by Penn and the Quakers to cultivate the friendship 
of these people. Nothing was more forceful than his immed- 
iate association with, and travels among them, and the 
messages in which he explained that he and his people were 
one with them and that they were all the "Friends of Onas." 

Indian affairs were considered in a rational manner and 
occupied much of the time of the Governor and Coimcil. 
Instances of a solicitous interest in the Indians* are seen in the 
laws of 1 701, forbidding the sale of rum to any but the chiefs, 
who should distribute it as they thought best,^^" and a still 
more restrictive law in 1722, which prohibited the sale of 
liquor to Indians. Of still more importance was the establish- 
ment of the principle that an abuse committed by an Indian 
towards the Whites must be adjusted by the Indian chief, not 
revenged by the Whites, which was given out in the instruc- 
tions to colonists; and the converse stated later (1728) by the 
Governor, that if a WTiite injured an Indian he should make 
complaint to the Whites, who would then punish the offense 
under their own laws.^^^ 

Friends' ministers were also active in the missionary work 
among the Indians, which was first urged and practiced by 



'^'Applegarth, Quakers in Pa., Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies, 
VIII-IX, 56. 

i90Co/. Rec. II, 16. 

^^^Ibid., Ill, 356. 

*Mention should also be made of the Friendly Ass'nfor Preserving 
Peace with the Indians. For reference see Vol. 3, Penn's MS., relating to 
Indian Affairs, pp. 17-18, an address to Governor Dewey, 1757; also 
p. 89, an address to Proprietaries Thomas Penn and Richard Penn on 
same subject. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



263 



George Fox. Not only the numerous excursions of Penn, but 
also those of Thomas Story, Thomas Turner, Chalkley and 
others, evidence the ready spirit with which the commands of 
Fox were received.^^^ Besides the general missionary work 
and relief for the Indians, that from time to time is mentioned 
in the several meetings, there is no evidence that an5rthing 
considerable towards a school education was attempted till 
the latter part of the century. In a letter of the yearly 
meeting in 1796, it is stated that Friends are, 

engaged in an undertaking to ftirnish them with some of the comforts of 
civilized life. A fund is raising to supply the expense of instructing them 
in Agrictdture, in mechanic arts, and in some useful branches of 
leaming.i^^ 

An excellent illustration of this movement towards the 
education of the Indian, and the naive friendly manner with 
which they made known their needs is found in the following 
communications, which are self-explanatory. 
To the children of the friends of Onas, who first settled in Pennsylvania: 
Brothers, The request of Cornplanter, a chief of the Seneca Nation. 

The Seneca Nation sees that the Great Spirit intends that they shall 
not continue to live by hunting, and they look around on every side, 
and inquire who it is that shaU teach them what is best for them to do. 
Your fathers have dealt fairly and honestly with our fathers, and they 
have charged us to remember it; and we think it right to tell you that 
we wish our children to be taught the same principles by which your 
fathers were guided in their councils. 

Brothers, we have too little wisdom among us, we cannot teach our 
children what we perceive their situation requires them to know, and 
we therefore ask you to instruct some of them; we wish them to be 
instructed to read and write, and such other things as you teach your 
own children ; and especially teach them to love peace. 

Brothers, we desire of you to take under your care two Seneca boys, 
and teach them as your own; and in order that they may be satisfied 
to remain with you, and be easy in their minds, that you will take with 
them the son of our interpreter, and teach him according to his desire. 

Brothers, you know it is not in oiir power to pay you for the education 
of these three boys ; and therefore you must, if you do this thing, look up 
to God for your reward. 

Brothers, You will consider of this request, and let us know what you 
determine to do. If your hearts are incHned toward us, and you will 



Work of 
missionaries 



Specific 

educational 

work 



The Indians 
request aid 



i92Bowden, II, 70. 

"^London Yr. Mtg. Epistles, 1795, 487. 



264 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



His request 
granted 



Committee 
appointed by 
yearly meet- 
ing in 1795 



Oneidas and 
Tuscaroras 
willing to 
accept 
assistance 

School 
established 



a£Eord our nation this great advantage, I will send my son as one of the 
boys to receive your instruction, at the time which you shall appoint. 1^* 

Complanter his 
Signed2-io-i79i X 

In presence of Joseph Nichols. mark 

To Complanter, The Seneca Chief: 

The written message of Complanter, dated at Philadelphia, on the 
loth of February last, was not received by us until some weeks after. 
His request that we would take under our care two Seneca boys, one of 
them his own son, accompanied with the son of Joseph Nicholson, we 
have considered, and do agree to receive them when they can con- 
veniently be sent to us; intending they shall be treated with care and 
kindness and instructed in reading, writing and husbandry as the other 
children of our Friends are taught; the Governor of Pennsylvania, when 
informed of this proposal, having expressed his approbation thereof, as 
did General Knox.^^^ 

Signed on behalf, and by appointment of a meeting of the representa- 
tives, of the said people, on the second day of the sixth month, called 
June, 1 79 1. By several Friends. 

In 1795 a committee was appointed by the Yearly Meeting 
of Pennsylvania and New Jersey for the promotion and 
improvement of the Indian natives. ^^^ Their first act was 
to attempt to learn the Indian's attitude towards such an 
activity on the part of Friends. ^^'' Accordingly a circular 
letter was sent out to the various neighboring tribes, and also 
accompanied by a letter from the secretary of state, signifying 
the government's cooperation and sanction. ^^^ From the. 
responses it appeared that only the Oneidas and part of the 
Tuscaroras were willing to accept any assistance, so the fol- 
lowing summer of 1796, three Friends, approved by the 
committee, were sent and settled among the Oneidas. In the 
winter of 1796 the}'' estabUshed a school, continued for several 
years, and taught by an Indian who had been educated in 
New England.^^^ The Indians were found, at first, to be 
quite averse to any continuous labor, and it was necessary fo 
the Friends to establish themselves, and to improve a piece 
of land, in the hope that the Indians would see the results and 

^''''Conduct of the Society of Friends towards Indians, 98-99. 

i^^A brief account of the Committee's proceedings (pub. in Phila.), 7. 



Education of Negroes and Indians 



265 



become interested in the process. This seems to have worked 
quite satisfactorily, for in 1799 they report that the Indians 
have improved some lands and "sowed them with wheat. "2°° 
The various occupations mentioned as being taught the boys 
were: smith work, tilling soil, sewing, the preparation of 
lumber in sawmills, and the details included therein. The 
girls were frequently instructed in spinning, knitting, sewing, 
school learning, etc.^"^ 

At this time (1799) the Oneidas became distrustful of the 
motives of those in charge of the settlement, thinking that 
such an investment in implements and the permanent 
nature of the farms laid out, indicated an intention to seek 
after a time to take their territory from them. The settlers 
became aware of this feeling and to prove their good faith, 
decided to leave the settlement with all implements and 
improvements in sole charge of the natives. The prepara- 
tions to leave were accomplished in a friendly conference, 
held in September, 1799.2"^ The success of this work, for the 
Oneidas, had been watched by the Seneca tribes, and resulted 
in an interest in the same thing, culminating in the letters 
requesting the Friends' assistance, which have already been 
presented.^"^ 

SUMMARY 

Though slavery had fixed itself, very early, as an institution 
in Pennsylvania, it was not destined to continue its growth 
unmolested. Some of the chief factors working against it 
were: (i) The scruples of Friends, and other sects, (2) the 
Germans and (3) the opposition of White labor. Restrictive 
legislation was passed in 1700, 1705 and 1712, placing an ever 
increasing duty upon those imported. Gradual abolition was 
provided for by statutes of 1780 and 1788. Socially and 
economically the condition of the Negro in Pennsylvania was 
more desirable than in states of her latitude and further 
south. 

To three Quakers, opposed to Negro slavery, some brief 
attention is given. Their expressions also indicate a solici- 



Occupations 
taught 



Indians 
distrustful 



Slavery in 
Pennsylvania 



2ooConduct of the Society of Friends towards Indians, 10. 

^^^Ibid., 8, 9, 10. 

'^'^HUd., i\. 203See page 263, 



266 



Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 



Quaker 
Antagonists 
of Slavery 



The Quaker 
organization 
against 
slavery- 



Schools for 
Negroes 



In country 
and small 
towns 



tous interest in the education of the Indian. Their influence 
was extended by missionary journeys, speaking in public, and 
numerous pamphlets published on that subject. This work 
was by no means limited to the Quakers. Slavery was 
denounced as impracticable, unjust and inconsistent with the 
ideals of a free nation. 

(i) Not only individual leaders, but also the organized 
meetings arrayed themselves to fight against slavery. The 
first memorial to that effect was on the part of Germantown 
Meeting in 1688. This was sent to the Quarterly Meeting of 
Philadelphia, but at that date they took no action in regard 
to it. In 1727 the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting's advisers 
censured the practice of trading in slaves. A more extensive 
warning and reproof was administered in 1758. Throughout 
the early half of the century efforts were made to secure favor 
for the slaves' freedom ; it was necessary that in some meas- 
ure that should come first. 

(2) After the active campaign for freedom, the interest in 
education increased, and, in the last half of the century, 
there are frequent statements of that nature in records of 
meetings. Separate schools were established for them where 
possible. One in Philadelphia was set up by the meeting, 
though in large measure due to the active personal influence 
of Benezet, who, after 1782, taught in the school till his 
death. Moses Patterson was the first teacher; after 1786 
two schools are always mentioned in reports. In the five 
years preceding 1782 it is estimated that two hundred and 
fifty Negroes attended the school. 

Some attention is given to the Negroes and their education, 
or lack of it, in each of the meetings. The care of this subject 
in those meetings was in the charge of a committee, the 
general character of whose duties was indicated on page 247. 
The support of the Negro schools and the education of the 
poor children was similar to that of other schools.^"^ Reports 
on the progress in freeing, supporting, and educating the 
Negro, were required by their superior meetings. 



''"^No summary is given of conditions in each of the meetings; if 
desired, see in index, "negro education." 



Education of Negroes and Indians 267 

The relations between Friends and Indians were most 
cordial from the beginning. Though their education was 
preached early by missionaries and practised in a smaller 
way, little organized effort was made until 1795. In that Education of 
year the yearly assembly took the necessary steps to establish 
schools among neighboring tribes, the first mentioned being 
for the Oneidas. The desire of the Indian for aid in these 
matters is indicated by the quoted letter of Complanter, the 
Seneca chief. 



Indians 



CHAPTER XII 



CONCLUSION 



Society 
established 



Influence 
extended by 
three 
means 



Fox's aims 
in education 



Organiza- 
tion devised 
by Fox 



Weakness in 
the organiza- 
tion 



Leaders who 
were inter- 
ested in 
education 



The society, established by George Fox, near the middle of 
the seventeenth century, increased rapidly in numbers, due 
very largely to the efforts of its founder and the services of 
the men whom he associated with him in his work. This 
influence was extended by means of (i) journeys made to 
foreign parts; (2) letters; and (3) preaching out of doors to 
all who would listen. Fox, from the first, was interested in 
education, particularly moral and practical, and recommended 
the establishment of several schools. He was primarily 
interested in (i) moral training; (2) religious instruction; and 
(3) in education of a practical sort which would fit every 
individual to earn a livelihood. These ends which he strove 
for were likewise accepted as worthy to be achieved, and 
consciously striven for by the society in its organized meetings. 
This organization of meetings itself was devised by Fox and 
regularly constituted in various parts before the time of his 
death. It consisted of yearly, quarterly, monthly, and 
particular meetings, whose relations were well defined. The 
functions of the first were general and directive ; those of the 
last were particular and effective. The chief weakness, 
already pointed out in previous chapters, was the lack of 
compulsory power in the yearly meeting. Its recommenda- 
tions gained results, but might be neglected in communities 
desiring to do so. 

An organization, of itself, performs nothing. Its accom- 
plishments depend on men who have purposes, and the 
determination and ability to execute them. A considerable 
ntimber of such men were members of Friends, and expressed 
themselves definitely on education. Such leaders as Penn, 
Fothergill, Fox, Banks, Chalkley, Crisp, Crouch, Pastorius, 
Benezet and others as important, were responsible for its 

(268) 



Conclusion 



269 



educational guidance and in the end, accomplishments. 
From a study of their expressions it appears that the criticisms, 
concerning the Quakers' antipathy to education, are without 
foundation, and arose ,for the most part, from their statement 
that a classical education was not essential for a minister. 
The life and the education of most of them attest the fact 
that they sought a higher education for themselves and pro- 
moted it for others. Not only for their own society, but for 
the rich and poor of others, were efforts made to establish 
schools. The education of Indians and Negroes was simi- 
larly urged both on the part of individuals and the organiza- 
tion. The tangible results of their efforts in this regard were 
seen in the various local meetings. 

In the establishment of schools, the direction lay in the 
hands of the yearly meeting. Philadelphia Yearly Meeting's 
advices on that subject, for the first half century, were very 
general in nature and seemingly of little import to the various 
lower meetings. A development is noticed, however, toward 
a definite plan for schools to be established. The advices of 
1746 and continuing thereafter, 1750, 1751, 1753, 1755, 1778, 
and following, are definite in their ideas as to what should be 
done, and the persistency with which they were urged in the 
meetings, where all school affairs came to be attended to by 
committees, seems to have effected tangible results. Com- 
mittee reports on educational conditions increased greatly in 
definiteness after 1777, which allows a better estimate to be 
made of what was done. From such reports it is estimated 
that by the end of the centtu-y there were sixty or seventy 
schools established "according to direction" given by the 
yearly meeting. Many others are reported in various meet- 
ings, which did not measure up in any great degree to the 
standards set. 

These standards^ (stated elsewhere in this work) demanded 
a high moral quality in masters and mistresses, as well as 
training in the subjects to be taught. From a study of the 
manuscript records and newspapers it appears that the moral 
standards, met by Quaker masters, were as high, and, in 
Philadelphia, perhaps higher than those of the other private 



Quaker 
antipathy to 
education 
appears un- 
founded 



Education 
of Negroes 
and Indians 
tu-ged and 
effected 

Schools 
established 



School 
affairs in 
care of com- 
mittees 



Number of 
schools in 
Pennsyl- 



The Master 



^The digest of the standards to be attained may be seen on pages I72f . 



Curriculum 
similar to 
that in 
private 
schools 

No free 

public 

schools 



Number of 
schools 
about 1750 



270 Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania 

school masters. The cases of open lawlessness are at least 
more ntmierous in the latter case. The degree of preparation 
for teaching ranged from the highest, the best college trained 
men of the day, to the lowest, those who possessed a most 
elementary education. 

The opportunities offered for study, both in the lower and 
in the Classical School, were at all times equal at least to those 
of the other schools of the day. 

The Quakers established no system of public schools, 
though they were called such quite frequently. As public 
school sentiment grew, and the Quaker schools correspondingly 
declined in many places, they often were taken over as public 
schools. In that sense they were, truly enough, the foimda- 
tion of public schools. Education was free to the poor ; in a 
few cases the funds might be applied to lower the rates paid 
by the regular pay scholars, but such were exceptional. 

In 1750 there were about fifty particular meetings in the 
territory covered by this study; those were under the direc- 
tion of seventeen monthly meetings.^ With the exception of 
nine of them we know from their reports that they had 
schools then, or established them in the period following 1750, 
in which the increased activity and interest of the yearly 
meeting brought the subject more fully to their notice. From 
the nature of the reports, it is often impossible to determine 
the date of establishing such a school, and because of the 
irregularity of reports it is not known how long a school may 
have been in operation before reported. For these reasons 
any estimate such as made above is very unsatisfactory. 

It is not to be understood that at the time above mentioned 
the schools were in all cases "according to the plan" of the 
yearly meeting. Man}^ reports have been quoted wherein 
schools were mentioned which did not measure up to the 
standards.^ Some lacked buildings, grounds. Friends as mas- 
ters, masters' accommodations, and so forth. 

Assuming the nine meetings, for which no schools were 
reported in the minutes, did not have them, there were 



^Bowden, II, 247 ff. (tables showing the particular monthly, and 
quarterly meetings, etc.). 

*See in index: Merion and Valley, for example. 



Conclusion 



271 



about forty schools under control of the Quakers, who at that 
date constituted one-third of the entire population.* The 
population estimated by Oldmixon was about 100,000 in 
1741.^ Though the colony increased rapidly by immigration,^ 
the Quaker increase was not proportionate to their ntimbers 
stated above.'' In 1795 it is stated that the Episcopalians 
and Quakers together constituted but one-third of the whole 
population, which then numbered about 434,373.^ The 
number of regularly established Quaker schools at that date 
was between sixty and seventy. 

If in 1 741 we estimate the number of school age children of 
Quaker parentage between six and seven thousand, which is 
probably a less number than there actually were, it is appar- 
ent that the schools regularly established were in no way 
adequate to the school population. The remainder were 
doubtless cared for in the frequently mentioned mixed 
schools and neighborhood schools, which are known to have 
been common. These were sometimes under partial control 
of the Quaker meetings. What proportion the number of 
Quaker schools bears to those established by other agencies is 
not known. No studies made up to the present time have 
attempted to estimate the number of schools established by 
all or particular agencies. Any comparison is impossible 
until such a study is made. 



*Bowden, II, 157. 

^Ihid., 156; quoted from Oldmixon, I, 304. 

^6,200 new settlers came in 1729 (Bowden, II, 156), 

Uhid., 157. 

*Winterbotham, II, 438-439; also, census report, 1790. 



Quaker 
population 
one-third 
of total 



Proportion- 
ate number 
of Quakers 
decreases 



Number of 

regularly 

established 

schools 

inadequate 

for their 

population 



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Vaux, Robert. Memoirs of Benjamin Lay and Ralph Sandiford. 

Phila., 1815. 
Watson, J. Account of the First Settlement of the Townships of 

Buckingham and Solebury. H. S. P. Memoirs, Vol. I, pp. 

285-319. 
Watson, J. F. Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, 3 vols. 

Phila., 1887. 
Wick, B. L. The Amish Mennonites. Iowa City, 1894. 
Wickersham, James Pyle. A History of Education in Pennsylvania, 

Private, Public, Elementary and Higher. Lancaster, 1886. 
Woodson, C. G. Education of the Negro before 1861. New York 

and London, 19 15. 
Wright, Richard R. The Negro in Pennsylvania. Phila., 1912. 
Wright, Paul W. Educational Work in New York Yearly Meeting of 

Friends prior to i860. (Master's Ms. dissertation at Teachers 

College, Columbia University) N. P., 1913. 



ABBREVIATIONS 

Am. Wk. Mer. — American Weekly Mercury. 

Col. Rec. — Colonial Records of Pennsylvania. 

G. S. P. P. — Genealogical Society Publications of Pennsylvania. 

H. S. P. — Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Min. Mo. Mtg. — Minutes of the monthly meeting. 

Min. Prep. Mtg. — Minutes of the preparative meeting. 

Pa. Gaz. — Pennsylvania Gazette. 

Pa. Ger. Soc. — Pennsylvania German Society. 

Pa. Mag. of Hist. — Pennsylvania Magazine of History. 

P. C. S. M, — Penn Charter School Minutes. 

Q. Mtg. — Quarterly meeting. 

Yr. Mtg. — Yearly meeting. 

Wk. Advt. — Weekly Advertiser. 



(283) 



INDEX 



Abington, school land, io6; school, 

io6f. 
Ackworth School, 22. 
Aims of educ, 7ff., 362., 161, 268. 
Apprenticeship educ, recommended, 

9; 8s, 86, 159, 206. 
Attendance, 180, 185; in Negro School, 
243f. 

Baptists, 5. 

Barclay, on educ, 31. 

Benezet, on educ, 3 iff.; employed in 

Phila., S7-S8; 2i6ff.; on keeping 

slaves, 23Sf. 
Biddle, 73. 

Birmingham, 131, 134, 163. 
Blue HiU, I SI. 
Books, distributed, 24; used in schools, 

109, 142, I93ff. 
Bradford, I23f. ; 134, 1365. 
Birstol, school, 88. 
Buckingham, school, gsff. 
Budd, educ. scheme of, 36ff. 
Buildings and grounds, 6sff.; interior 

of, 67ff. 
Byberry, school, 74ff.; report, 76f.; 

schoolmasters at, 224f. 

Chester, 1483., 151. 

Chichester, 163. 

Children, apprenticeship of, IS9; cared 
for by meetings, I22f., 141. 

Classic languages, 11, S9, 7i! not 
necessary for ministers, 31, 3S. 
. Clerkenwell, school at, 22. 

Committees, on schools, functions, 80, 
168, 141, 143; school corns, ap- 
pointed, III, 116, 118. 

Concord, i62ff. 

Cox, criticism by, 26ff. 

Crouch, on educ, 34!. 

Curriculum, i9off., 21s, 270; Classical 
School, 196; English School, 197; 
Negro School, 192; Latin and 
Greek, 59, 71; letter writing, 191; 
mathematics, 30, 7 if.; spelling, 
192; subjects recommended, 29ff. 

Darby, 23f., iS4ff- 
Discipline, 186, 223. 



East Bradford, 131. 

East Cain, i37f. 

Education, before the Quakers, 147; 
moral, 86; for Negro and Indian, 
233ff., 269; practical, by appren- 
ticeship, 9, 10; provided in Frame 
of Government, 42; public, recom- 
mended, 30; recommended by yr. 
mtg., 2off., 109, 123, 174. 

English School, masters of, 222ff. 

Evening Schools, 187. 

Exeter, 79ff. 

FaUs, 86ff. 

Fox, sketch of Ufe, 2ff.; conclusions of, 
4; educ'l creed, 7ff.; recommended 
schs., 10; educ. of ministers, iif.; 
mo. mtgs. recommended, 16. 

Free Schools, 180. 

Germantown, 77ff. 
Girls' School, 70, 213, 217. 
Goshen, i3off. 
Gwynedd, no, 113. 

Haverford, 162. 
Horsham, ii4ff. 

Indians, educ. recommended, 8, 12, 37, 
269; friendly relation with, 262; 
issue of rum to, 262; missionaries 
among, 263; aid requested by, 263; 
educ'l. work among, 263f.; occupa- 
tions taught, 26s. 

Inner light, 2, 4, 7, 13. 

Kennett, i22f.; discontinued, 124; 137, 
i69f. 

Lampeter, 142. 

Land, for school use, 81, 87ff., 106, 125, 
13 if., I48f., I76f. 

Latin School, masters of, 22off. 

Legacies: Carter, 74, i07f.; Wade, 
Lineham and Richards, 63; Bryner 
and Baldwin, 90; Harker, 93, 95; 
Holcomb, 95; Abbitt, Buckman 
and Twining, 10 1; Roberts and 
Walton, 103; Keen and Hoskins, 



(285) 



286 



Index 



148; Taylorand Hall, 149; Turner 
1 5 if.; Evans, 152; Meed, 153; 
Blunston, 154; Lobb, 157; Yar- 
nall, 165; Barnes, io6f.; under 
care of trustees, 75, i07f. 

Literature, used in meetings, 199S. 

London, yearly mtg. established, 17; 
advices on educ, I72£. 

London Grove, 140. 



Maiden Creek, 8 of. 

Makefield, 88. 

Meetings, established, isf., 79, 85, 105, 

122, 147. 
Mennonites, 4f. 
Merion and Valley, 1 14. 
Methods, 197, 199. 
Middletown, 92ff., I49f-, iSi- 
Montgomery Township, 112. 
Monthly meeting, function, 19, 169, 

175- 
Morristown, iii. 



Nantmeal, i39f. 

Negro, educ. recommended, 8, 12, 37, 
269; manumission, 252, 257, 261; 

educ. of in Phila., 239- 

246; Exeter, 248; Radnor, 248f.; 
Middletown, 249f . ; Buckingham, 
2S0ff.; Kennett, 253; New Garden 
and Uwchlan, 138, 234; Sadsbury 
and Bradford, 255; Concord and 
Goshen, 256; Abington and Hor- 
sham, 258; Byberry and Gwynedd 
2S9ff.; Warrington and Fairfax, 

261 ; attitude of sects toward , 

23iff.; meetings for , 239; 

com. on affairs, 240f.; duties 

of com. on , 246-7 ; in Pa. 

228ff. 

Negro School, established, 24if.; sup- 
port, 64; housed, 70, 71; 215, 2x7 
status in 1800, 24s; support of, 
243f., 247f.; attendance, 243f.; 
teachers in, Patterson, 241; 
Houghton, 242; Benezet, 242; 
Britt, Dougherty, Meccura, 243; 
Pickering, 244; Mears, 245. 

New Garden, i23f., I28ff., 137. 

Organization, of meetings, purpose, 15; 
explained, 18; with regard to 
schools, 172-190; weakness of, 
268. 

Pastorius, 47, S3, 77ff. 
Pay scholars, 180. 



Perm, on educ, 28£f.; coming to Phila., 

41- 

Perm Charter School, 4s; petition to 
incorporate, 47ff.; first charter, 
49ff.; rechartered, 52; self per- 
petuating corporation of, 53, 106. 

Philadelphia, reports on schs. in, S8ff., 
7 iff. 

Plymouth, 112. 

Poor, educ. of, 32, 38, S9. 74. 91. lisf., 
117. 149. 159- 

Preachers, journeys of, sf. 

Preparative meeting, functions, 19. 

Printing, encouraged, 152. 

Quakers, origin of, ifE. ; growth of, 6. 
Quarterly meeting, functions, 19, 168, 

174- 

Radnor, I58ff. 

Rates, 7iff- 

Reading, 8 if. 

Regulations, adopted for schools, iisf.. 

r2sf., i82ff. 
Rewards, 186. 
Richland, I02f. 
Robeson, 8of. 

Sadsbury, i4lfF. 

Salary, 43, 45, 47. 54f-. 62, 2iof., IS4; 

compared, 212. 
School control, 80, 186, 141, 143; corns. 

appointed on, iir, 116, 118. 
Schoolday, length of, i86ff. 
Schoolhouses, i77ff-; school property, 

urged necessary, I76f. 
Schoolmistresses, 54. SSflF., 130. 208, 

2I2f. 

Schools, modem tendency, 39; number 
estabhshed estimated. 121, 270. 

School support, 39, 4Sf-. 60-65, TiS., 
89f.. 92f.. 98f.; I27f., 133. I39ff.. 
r43f.. 148, i5of., i57f-, 160, 164 
167-172; distribution of funds, 
108; of Negro School, 64. 

Schwenkfeld, Caspar, 4. 

Schacklewell, school, 10, 22. 

Slavery, beginning of in Pa., 228; 
opponents of, 233ff ; classes inter- 
ested, 230; attitude of Quakers, 
236ff.; laws regarding, 228f.; 
increase of, 230; condition of 
slaves, 231; attitude of Fox, 233; 
Woolman, 234; Benezet, 23Sf.; 
Keith, 236. 

Spelling, 192. 

Springfield, 15 1- 

Student papers, l88f. 

Supervision of schools, 96f., 189. 



Index 



287 



Teachers, selection of, 100, no; 
scarcity, 150; source, 20sf., 209; 
qualifications, 204; tenure, 207f., 
209; duties, 214; rated, 216; no 
contract for, 210; morality, 22s; 
269. 

Teachers named: Albertson, 113; 
Ayres, 22s; Brockden, 56, 74; 
Brientnall, S8; Brown, 59, 72, 
2X8; Britt, 218; Buichell, 208, 
214; Binns, 218; Buller, 218; 
Benezet, 3iff., 57, S8, 2l6ff., 23sf.; 
Cadwalader, 54, 55, 209, 218; 
Cathrall, 59, 2 IS; Clarke, 60, 72, 
219; Carver, 225, 116; Clift, 207, 
209, 219, 154; Coggins and Cham- 
berlain, 114; Dickinson. 207, 219; 
Dougherty, 215; Dull, 114; Every, 

55, 224; Eldridge, 206, Evans, 
113; Flower, 42f., 45, 59; Fitz- 
patrick, 225, 116; Foulke, 114; 
Hartshome, 60, 74; Harry, 60, 72; 
Houghton, 57; Josai, 58; Jones, 
59, 114; Jackson, 220; Johnson, 
22s; Keith, 45, 207, 209, 219; 
Kirk, 225; Eling, 207, 220; Lan- 
caster, 59, 72; Makin, 46, 53, 54, 

56, 57, 207, 209, 219; Marsh, 60, 
73; McDonnell, 60, 73; Meats, 
218; Moor, 224; Meccum, 215; 
Naylor, 55; Pardo, no, 114; 
Parks, 225; Patterson, 220; Pas- 
torious, 47, 53, 77ff.; Proud, 59- 



71, i83fif., 206, 209, 22ifif. Picker- 
ing, 218; Pemberton, 224; Pear- 
son, 22s; Price, 114; Rakestraw, 
59; Robbins, 56; Richards, 224; 
Smith, 58, 116, 225; Songhurst, 
54, 208, 213; Snowden, 223; 
Sitch, 224; Taylor, 107, 207, 225; 
Thompson, 58, 22of., 222; Thome, 
223; Thornton, 209, 213; Todd, 

58, 59, 72, 222; Underwood, 225; 
Walby, 55; Warden, 56; Weaver, 

59, 72; Willian, 57, 205, 209, 220; 
WUson, 220; Waring, 223; War- 
ren, 206; Yerkes, 58, 223. 

Tuke, on educ, 34f. 
Uwchlan, I38ff. 

Waltham, school at, 10, 22. 

Warrington, 117. 

Westtown Boarding School, 60, 73, 89, 

14s, ISI. 
Whitehead, on educ, 34f. 
WUlistown, 132. 
Women, as teachers, 54, 58f., 130; on 

school com., 118, 140. 
Woolman,- on educ, 33f.; on slave 

holding, 234. 
Writing school, 195. 

Yearly meeting, recommends educa- 
tion, 20ff., 109; functions, 18. 
York, 119. 
Youths' meetings, i05f., 117. 



